Romiešu bēru uzraksts

Romiešu bēru uzraksts


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3D attēls

Podere Kasone
Ārpus konteksta
Pirmā pirms mūsu ēras beigas - mūsu ēras 1. gads
Gasparri kolekcija

Bēru uzraksts par Persiju ģimeni. Uzrakstītā marmora plāksne tika novietota uz bēru pieminekļa, ko Kajs Persijs un viņa sieva Gallonija uzcēla sev, dēlam Lūcijam un meitai Persijai Pollai.

C. Persijs A. f. Gal (eria)
Gallonia M. Quar (-)
L. Persius C. F (-)
Persija C. Polla

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Bēru uzraksts

Bēru uzraksts, kas bieži uzstādīts sienā pie sarkofāga atpūtas vietas, kalpo kā veltījums mirušajiem. Latīņu valodā uzrakstītā epitāfija vēsta, ka pēc atbrīvošanas no verdzības Valērija sevi darīja zināmu, kļūstot par frizieri. Šis piemiņas marķieris, kas izgatavots no marmora, kalpo kā atgādinājums, ka, lai gan lielākā daļa brīvo sieviešu bija zemākās klases, viņas joprojām varēja kļūt turīgas un sajaukties ar romiešu eliti.

Būdama brīvniece, Valērija, iespējams, strādājusi kādam ar lielu naudu vai, iespējams, pietiekami nopelnījusi, lai kļūtu bagāta uz sava rēķina. Jebkurā gadījumā viņas bērēm tika iztērēta liela naudas summa, par ko liecina viņas sarkofāgs un kapu mantas. Ir arī iespējams, ka viņa nonāca labā labvēlībā pret kādu romiešu aristokrātu, kurš, iespējams, viņu sponsorēja - iespējams, viņa pat uzturēja saites ar savu vecmeistaru.

Bieži vien kapa pieminekļi un epitāfijas ir vienīgais pierādījums, kas mums ir romiešu sievietes dzīvībai. Tie sniedz mums ieskatu par to, kā sievietes žonglē ar savām mājām, ģimenēm un nodarbošanos. Mūsu informācijas trūkums par sieviešu dzīvi senatnē daļēji izriet no tā, ka viņas nerakstīja par sevi, atstājot mūs lasīt viņiem rakstītus kapa pieminekļus un izdarīt pamatotus minējumus par to, kā tādi cilvēki kā Valērija Kalitče nodzīvoja savu dzīvi. Mēs varam arī uzzināt kaut ko par viņu sociālo stāvokli no viņu bērēm. Īpašais apbedīšanas stils, ko mēs šeit redzam, bija ārkārtīgi dārgs un liek mums uzskatīt, ka Valērija ir bijusi friziere un pēc atbrīvošanas spēja kaut ko padarīt no savas dzīves. **

** Lūdzu, ņemiet vērā: šī & quot; salikšana & quot; & quot; tika izveidota tikai izglītības nolūkos. Visi šeit apskatītie objekti ir no pilnīgi atšķirīgiem arheoloģiskiem kontekstiem. Pilns šī klases projekta skaidrojums ir atrodams šīs vietnes ievadlapā.


Saturs

Rediģēt etimoloģiju

Mauzolejs ir nosaukts Karijas Mauzola (377-353/2 BC) vārdā, valdnieks tagadējās Turcijas teritorijā. Viņš bija dziļš hellenistiskās kultūras patrons. Pēc tam, vai varbūt pirms viņa nāves, viņa sieva un māsa Artēmija pasūtīja Halikarnassas mauzoleju kā milzīgu kapu virs zemes, un tas bija viens no septiņiem senās pasaules brīnumiem, un liela daļa skulptūras tagad atrodas Berlīnē. Tā bija tendence Grieķijā gadsimtiem pirms Mauzola, jo tas bija līdzeklis, lai vēl vairāk nostiprinātu ievērojamā mirušā piemiņu. Tajā laikā senā Vidusjūras pasaule piedzīvoja grieķu ideoloģiju atdzimšanu, kas bija sastopama politikā, reliģijā, mākslā un sabiedriskajā dzīvē. Romieši nebija izņēmums no šīs tendences. [3]

Iedzīvotāji Rediģēt

Mauzolejā parasti bija vairāki iemītnieki, jo viņu telpa bija tik plaša, lai gan šis priekšstats aizņēma laiku, lai kļūtu par ierastu lietu agrīnajā Republikā, tāpat kā ideja par mirušo "apbedīšanu" virs zemes. Masu apbedījumi bija ierasti, bet tikai vienkāršiem ļaudīm. Karalis, politiķi, ģenerāļi un bagātākie pilsoņi sākotnēji kopēja kapu tikai ar savu tuvāko ģimeni. Izmaiņas notika pakāpeniski, galvenokārt tāpēc, ka bēru prakse bija saistīta ar stingrām tradīcijām, īpaši senajā pasaulē. [4] Bija vajadzīgi gadsimti, lai izdomātu "romiešu" mauzoleja koncepciju. Tikmēr ideja par greznu apbedījumu vietu dekorēšanu saglabājās visā republikā un impērijā. Šajā kontekstā impērijas un vēlās republikas virszemes struktūras ietvēra okupantu dzīvei piemērotu mākslu tāpat kā viņu pagrīdes alternatīvas.

Atrašanās vietas Rediģēt

Tikai dažas mauzoles Pomerium iekšpusē bija pirms impērijas. Lielākā daļa mauzoleju pastāvēja izraudzītās apbedījumu vietās valstī, lai gan impērijas laikā pilsētu atbrīvojumi no mirušo ēku aizlieguma tikai pieauga. Bija arī populāri tos būvēt gar galvenajiem ceļiem, lai tie būtu pastāvīgi redzami sabiedrībai. Vidējās un vēlās impērijas tendence bija būvēt mauzoleju uz ģimenes īpašumu, pat ja tas atradās pilsētas robežās. [1]

Vēsture Rediģēt

Pirms republikas Rediģēt

Romieši absorbēja daudz etrusku bēru mākslas prakses. Virs zemes esošās mauzolejas joprojām bija retas pazemes kapenes, un tumuli bija daudz izplatītākas apbedīšanas metodes. Agrīnie romieši apglabāja masu kapos tos, kuri nevarēja atļauties šādas naktsmītnes, vai tos kremēja. [1] No nedaudzajām mauzolejām, ko tās uzcēla Romas bērnībā, daudzas nezināmos apstākļos nokrita drupās. Tādējādi viņu prombūtne maz liecina par romiešu mauzoleja praksi šajos gados. Ievērojams izņēmums ir Praeneste jeb mūsdienu Palestrīna, kur saglabājušās aptuveni četrdesmit agrīnās mauzoles. [5]

Agrīnā Republika Rediģēt

Etrusku ietekme saglabājās, un mauzolejas stili kļuva konsekventāki, jo Romas ietekme palielinājās visā Latīņu līgā. Šī laikmeta konstrukcijas ir reti sastopamas, taču, tāpat kā iepriekšējos gadsimtos, vairums to, ko romieši uzcēla šajā laikā, vairs nepastāv. [1]

Vidus republika Rediģēt

Roma kopā ar pārējo Vidusjūras pasauli piedzīvoja grieķu kultūras atdzimšanu, kas pazīstama kā hellēnisma periods. [1] Gan mauzolejas interjers, gan eksterjers pieņēma klasiskās arhitektūras štāpeļšķiedras, piemēram, mucas velvētu jumtu klinai, kas bija visa ķermeņa soli, uz kuriem mirušie gulēja krāsotas fasādes, kas rotāja kolonnas un frīzes gar jumtiem. Šajā laikmetā lielākā daļa romiešu atzina domu, ka apbedīšana virs zemes ļauj sabiedrībai labāk atcerēties mirušo. [4] Skaidrs, ka saskaņā ar savām tradīcijām un mos maiorum tikumiem romieši sāka rezervēt naudu, lai izveidotu milzīgu jaunu mauzoleju savu mantojumu saglabāšanai. [6] Protams, šī tendence bija pakāpeniska, bet līdz Republikas beigām bija ieguvusi virsroku.

Scipios kaps ir piemērs lielam pazemes klinšu grieztu kameru komplektam, ko izmantoja Scipio ģimene no 3. līdz 1. gadsimtam pirms mūsu ēras. Tas bija grandiozs, bet salīdzinoši neuzkrītošs virs zemes.

Klāt bija arī ietekme no zemēm uz austrumiem no Grieķijas. Lai gan Mazāzijas arhitektūras ieguldījums ļoti atšķīrās no grieķu, Mazāzija iepriekš bija atvērusies grieķu stiliem jau ceturtajā gadsimtā pirms mūsu ēras. Romieši šajos gados lielāko daļu savas arhitektūras aizņēmās no grieķiem, tāpēc lielākā daļa romiešu stilu, kas līdzīgi Mazāzijai, faktiski nonāca Romā caur Grieķiju. Protams, romieši aizņēmās arī tieši no grieķu stila. Anatolijas mauzoleja atšķiras ar to torņu dizainu, ievērojams piemērs ir Harpijas kaps, kas uzcelts aptuveni 480-470 pirms mūsu ēras. [7]

Tuvojoties vēlajai republikai, jaunā dizaina daudzveidība ļāva tiem, kas to varēja atļauties, veidot lielākas un greznākas mauzoles. Lai gan politiķi, īpaši senatori, vienmēr bija izmantojuši savus pieminekļus, lai pasludinātu savu statusu, viņi arvien vairāk saskatīja savas mauzolejas varenību kā papildu veidu, kā izpaust politisko dominējošo stāvokli. [1] Ap šo laiku vairums romiešu bija pieņēmuši mauzolejas un tempļu līdzību, lai gan viņu senči gadsimtiem ilgi apzinājās šo šķietamo analogu. [7]

Vēlā republika Rediģēt

Republikas pēdējo divu gadsimtu laikā romiešu mauzoleja iedvesmu ieguva no cita ģeogrāfiskā reģiona: Ziemeļāfrikas. Pati Ziemeļāfrikas arhitektūra bija padevusies grieķu praksei kopš grieķu-feniķiešu tirdzniecības apmetnēm kopš astotā gadsimta pirms mūsu ēras. Atkal romieši pieņēma šo stilu, nostiprinot Ziemeļāfrikas iekarošanu otrajā un pirmajā gadsimtā pirms mūsu ēras. Līdz Augusta laikam Grieķijas, Mazāzijas un Āfrikas ietekme apvienojās, veidojot unikālu "romiešu" stilu. [8]

Kad Republika beidzās, arvien vairāk cilvēku atteicās no noteikumiem par apbedīšanu pilsētās. [9] Viens no pēdējiem republikāņu līderiem, kurš to izdarīja, bija Sulla, kura izvēlējās uzcelt mauzoleju Campus Martius. [10] Daudzas apbedījumu vietas ārpus pilsētas kļuva pārpildītas, jo mauzolejas apjoms, greznums un daudzums kopš hellenisma laikmeta bija palielinājies. Pirmajā gadsimtā pirms mūsu ēras daži romieši apmetās pie mazākām un vienkāršākām mauzolēm, lai tikai rezervētu vietu ievērojamā apbedījuma vietā, piemēram, Isola Sacra nekropolē ārpus Portusa, kur apmeklētāji var pamanīt mazāko mauzoleju, kas izmisīgi aizpilda nejaušu telpu. pareizi attālināti lielāki. [11] Hovards Kolvins kā piemēru kompaktākām konstrukcijām, kas nonāca apbedījumu vietās, min konsula Minicius Fundanus mauzoleju uz Monte Mario un Licinii-Calpurnii uz Via Salaria. [9]

Maizes cepēja Eirīzas kaps (50. – 20. G. P.m.ē.) ir krāšņs bagātīga brīvā cilvēka kapa paraugs, kura reljefi ilustrē itāļu stilu, ko hellenistiskā māksla ir ietekmējusi mazāk nekā oficiālos vai patriciešu pieminekļus.

Agrīnā impērija Rediģēt

Jaunā Romas valdība politiski un sociāli ienesa jaunu pieeju mauzolejai. Ne-elite kļuva senātā klātesoša, aizkavējot daudzas aristokrātijas ilgstošās sacensības. Tā kā daudzi no šiem vīriešiem bija homines novi vai jauni vīrieši, viņiem bija citi stimuli, lai apliecinātu dominējošo stāvokli. Šāda darba kārtība ir saskatāma, palielinoties interesei būvēt mauzoleju uz ģimenes īpašumu. [12] Daudzām turīgām ģimenēm piederēja brīnišķīgi īpašumi valstī, kur viņi bija brīvi no pilsētas apbedīšanas likumiem. Kamēr pašu konstrukciju māksla un dizains palika grandiozs, celtnieki interesi novirzīja uz zemes ap mauzoleju dekorēšanu. Statujas, podijas, steles un horti (dārzi) ieguva popularitāti starp tiem, kam bija vieta un nauda, ​​lai uzceltu mauzoleju savā īpašumā. [13] Apmēram 12. gadā pirms mūsu ēras esošā Cestius piramīda joprojām ir diezgan ekscentrisks romiešu orientieris, iespējams, viņš bija kalpojis nūbiešu karagājienos.

Līdz ar impērijas parādīšanos mauzolejas iekļaušana tika ārkārtīgi palielināta divos veidos. Pirmkārt, daudzu jaunu mauzoleju okupācija bija lielāka nekā to republikāņu priekšgājējiem, kas parasti rezervēja vietu nevienam, izņemot viņu tuvāko ģimeni. Daudzi impērijas iedzīvotāji, kas pasūtīja mauzoleju savā vārdā, arī pieprasīja telpu paplašinātai ģimenei, vergiem, atbrīvotājiem, konkubīnām, klientiem, dzīvniekiem un citiem tuviem paziņām. [9] Otrkārt, vairāk cilvēku, kuri parasti nevarētu atļauties mauzoleju, varēja to iegādāties. Izņemot tos, kurus meistars uzaicināja uz savu mauzoleju, daži atbrīvotie saņēma savu mauzoleju ar finansiālu palīdzību no bijušajiem saimniekiem. Dažas brīvprātīgo mauzolejas ir tikpat iespaidīgas kā turīgo pilsoņu. [14]

Vēlā impērija Rediģēt

Ne vēlāk kā mūsu ēras otrā gadsimta beigās Roma kā impērija sasniedza savu teritoriālo virsotni. Sākotnēji lēnā, bet ātri paātrinātā impērijas lejupslīde ļāva mauzolejam nonākt Romas vēlētāju un ienaidnieku rokās. Proti, pēc trešā gadsimta krīzes mauzoleja atdzimšana tetrarhijas laikā un ārpus tās izraisīja interesi kristiešu vidū. Viņi sāka būvēt mauzoleju tādā pašā ēdamajā stilā, kāds bija romiešiem impērijas laikā, un rotāja tos ar kristīgiem mākslas darbiem. Viduslaikos Mauzoleja joprojām bija galvenais līdzeklis, lai iejauktu vairākus indivīdus. [15]

Helēnas mauzolejs Romā, ko Konstantīns I uzcēla sev, bet vēlāk izmantoja viņa mātei, joprojām ir tradicionāla forma, bet tur esošā Santa Costanza baznīca, kas uzcelta kā mauzolejs Konstantīna meitai, tika uzcelta virs nozīmīgas katakombas, kur Sv. Agnese tika apglabāta, un vai nu tā vienmēr bija paredzēta, vai drīz tika izveidota kā bēru zāle, kur kristieši varēja iegādāties apbedīšanas vietas. Lielākā daļa Romas lielo kristiešu baziliku izgāja cauri skatuvei kā bēru zāles, pilnas ar sarkofāgiem un plākšņu memoriāliem, pirms agrīnajos viduslaikos tās tika pārvērstas par tradicionālākām baznīcām.

Ievērojama imperatoru mauzoleja Red

Augusts Rediģēt

Augusts izdarīja neizsakāmo 28. gadā pirms mūsu ēras un uzcēla mauzoleju Campus Martius - agrāk publiskā zemē, uz kuras infrastruktūra parasti bija nelikumīga. Tas apstrīdēja viņa prasību būt Prinčam, jo ​​viņa ienaidnieki uzskatīja, ka šāda rīcība ir pārāk vērienīga parastajam pilsonim un līdz ar to augstāka par likumu. Starp ievērojamām mauzoleja iezīmēm tika iekļauta bronzas Augusta statuja, pirāti un Ēģiptes obeliski starp dažādiem parastajiem morgu rotājumiem. Mauzolejs cieta nopietnus postījumus 410. gadā, gotikas iebrukuma laikā Romā 410. gadā. [16]

Hadrians Rediģēt

Hadrianam pašam un savai ģimenei Pons Aelius 120. gadā bija liels mauzolejs, kas tagad labāk pazīstams kā Sant'Angelo. Papildus slavenībai kā imperatora atpūtas vietai mauzoleja celtniecība ir slavena pati par sevi, jo tai ir īpaši sarežģīts vertikālais dizains. Taisnstūra pamatne atbalsta parasto cilindrisko rāmi. Uz rāmja ir dārza jumts ar baroka pieminekli ar eņģeļa statuju. [17] Sākotnējā zelta kvadrigas statuja starp citiem dārgumiem kļuva par dažādu uzbrukumu upuri, kad mauzolejs viduslaikos kalpoja kā pils un pāvesta cietoksnis. Pagāja vairāk nekā gadsimts, pirms jaunā mauzolejā atradīsies imperatora mirstīgās atliekas. Severānu korupcija un trešā gadsimta krīze neļāva daudz iespēju tik krāšņai piemiņai. [18]

Tetrarhijas rediģēšana

Diokletiānam, Maksentijam, Galerijam un Konstantijam I bija sava mauzoleja. [19] Austrumu impērijā valdījušajiem Diokletiānam un Galerijam mauzolejā, tagad abās baznīcās, ir īpaši redzama austrumu ietekme. [15] Skatītāji var vērot torni bijušā ēkā, kas uzcelta uz Diokletiāna pils Splitā, Horvātijā, un tumšās eļļas gleznas pēdējās interjerā Tesalonikā. Diokletiāna mauzolejs tagad ir Splitas katedrāles galvenā daļa. Maksentija mauzolejs ārpus Romas ir vienīgais no četriem Itālijā. Tā atrodas uz Via Appia, kur viņa villa un cirks atrodas drupās. Kolvins apgalvo, ka armija, iespējams, apglabāja Konstantiju Trīrā, bet nav lietisku pierādījumu. [19]

Senajā Romā Romas pilsoņi pieminēja savus mirušos, veidojot cippi jeb kapu altārus. Šie altāri kļuva ne tikai pēc bagātnieku pasūtījuma, bet arī parasti tika uzcelti brīvībā un vergos. [20] Šo altāru funkcija bija vai nu izvietot mirušo pelnus, vai vienkārši simboliski pieminēt mirušā piemiņu. [21] Bieži tika uzbūvēti praktiski bēru altāri, lai attēlotu traukus, kuros atradās mirušā pelni un apdegušie kauli. Šīs pelnu urnas tika ievietotas dziļos altāru dobumos, kas pēc tam tika pārklāti ar vāku. [22] Citas reizes altārī bija ieplaka, kurā varēja izliet libācijas. [23] Daži romiešu bēru altāri tika apgādāti ar caurulēm, lai šīs libācijas varētu "pabarot" mirstīgās atliekas. [22] Retāk mirušā ķermenis tika ievietots altārī. [24] Lai gan dažos altāros bija mirušā paliekas, lielākajai daļai romiešu bēru altāru nebija praktiskas funkcijas un tie tika uzcelti tikai mirušo piemiņai. [24]

Bēru altāri pret solītajiem altāriem Rediģēt

Romiešu bēru altāru uzcelšanas prakse ir saistīta ar tradīciju būvēt dievbijīgus altārus dievu godināšanai. Tā kā tiek pieņemts, ka altāri darbojas kā godbijības simbols, tiek uzskatīts, ka bēru altāri tika izmantoti, lai heroizētu mirušo. [25] Bēru altāri atšķīrās no dievbijīgiem altāriem, jo ​​tie nebija asins upuru saņēmēji. Varoņu kapu altāri bija saistīti ar rituāliem upuriem, bet parasto Romas pilsoņu altāri - ne. Šī praktiskā atšķirība ir noteikta tāpēc, ka romiešu bēru altāriem nav upurpannu vai karsētāju. [26] Ar līdzīgu izskatu kā solītie altāri, tika ņemta vērā upura godināšanas simbolika, tādējādi apliecinot pienācīgu cieņu mirušajiem. [27] Lai gan abu veidu altāri bija atšķirīgi, tie bija uzbūvēti līdzīgi - gan virs zemes, gan apaļas vai taisnstūra formas. [28]

Atrašanās vietas Rediģēt

Turīgāku Romas pilsoņu bēru altāri bieži tika atrasti sarežģītāku kapu iekšpusē. [21] Vidusslāņa uzceltie altāri tika ierīkoti arī monumentālajās kapenēs vai ārpus tām, bet arī apbedīšanas iecirkņos, kas bija izvietoti uz ceļiem, kas ved no Romas pilsētas. [29] Altāri, kas bija daļa no kapu kompleksiem, tika uzcelti uz ģimenes zemes gabaliem vai uz apbūves gabaliem, kurus nopirka skatītāji, kuri pēc tam tos pārdeva atsevišķiem īpašniekiem. [30] Kapiem un altāriem romiešu prātā bija cieša saikne, par ko liecina latīņu uzraksti, kur kapenes aprakstītas tā, it kā tie būtu altāri. [31]

Epitāfijas nozīme Rediģēt

Epitāfi uz bēru altāriem sniedz daudz informācijas par mirušo, visbiežāk norādot viņu vārdu un izcelsmi vai cilti. [29] Retāk epitāfijā tika iekļauts mirušā vecums un profesija. [32] Tipiska epitāfija uz romiešu bēru altāra tiek atvērta ar veltījumu krēpēm jeb mirušo garam, un noslēdzas ar slavēšanas vārdu godājamajam. [32] Šīs epitāfijas kopā ar altāru gleznieciskajiem atribūtiem ļauj vēsturniekiem saskatīt daudz svarīgas informācijas par senās Romas bēru praksi un pieminekļiem. Apkopojot bēru altārus, var konstatēt, ka lielāko daļu altāru uzcēla viendabīga vidusšķiras pilsoņu grupa. [32]

Veltītāji un godātie Rediģēt

Epitāfi bieži uzsver attiecības starp mirušo un veltīto, un lielākā daļa attiecību ir ģimenes (vīri un sievas, vecāki un bērni utt.). Daudzos altāros redzami arī mirušā portreti. [29] Ekstrapolējot no pierādījumiem par epitāfijām un portretiem uz altāriem, var secināt, ka brīvprātīgie un viņu pēcnācēji Romā visbiežāk pasūtīja bēru altārus - cilvēkus, kuri bija skolotāji, arhitekti, maģistrāti, rakstnieki, mūziķi un tā tālāk. [33]

Visizplatītākais altāra veltīšanas veids ir no vecākiem līdz mirušajam bērnam. Epitāfijā bieži ir norādīts bērna vecums, lai vēl vairāk izteiktu skumjas pēc nāves tik jaunā vecumā. No otras puses, mirušās personas vecums vecākā vecumā reti tiek uzlikts uz epitāfijas. [32] Daži citi, retāk sastopami, veltījumi ir vecākiem no bērniem, un bērns, visticamāk, ir zēns. [34] Otrās izplatītākās godalgoto attiecības ir vīrs pret sievu vai sieva pret vīru. [35]

Ārpus ģimenes attiecībām patrons dažreiz veltīja altārus vergam vai brīvam cilvēkam un otrādi. [36] Attiecības starp veltītajiem un godātajiem dažiem altāriem, kas atbalsta šo secinājumu, patiesībā bija vīrs un sieva, jo patroni dažreiz apprecējās ar saviem atbrīvotajiem vergiem. [37] Tomēr attiecības starp patronu un vergu vai atbrīvotāju nebija laulību izslēdzošas, jo dažreiz šiem pilsoņiem bija personiskas attiecības ar personu, kas nav saistīta ar asinīm, un kuras, viņuprāt, bija jāatceras. [37]

Ir svarīgi atzīmēt sieviešu izcilību, kas aptver diskusiju par romiešu bēru altāriem, jo ​​reti kad senās romiešu sievietes ir tik iesaistītas jebkāda veida šī laika pieminekļos. Pretstatā lielākajai daļai pieminekļu, kas saglabājušies no Romas, sievietēm bija liela nozīme bēru altāros, jo daudzi altāri tika uzcelti par godu sievietei vai pēc viņa pasūtījuma. [29] Šīs sievietes tika godinātas kā sievas, mātes un meitas, kā arī atcerējās par savām profesijām. Piemēram, šīs profesionālās sievietes tika godinātas kā priesterienes, mūziķes un dzejnieces. Dažreiz epitāfijā nav altāra informācijas par cienījamās sievietes profesiju, bet portreta detaļas (piemēram, portreta kleita) dod norādes par viņas aicinājumu. [38] Daudzi izdzīvojušie altāri godina sievietes, jo Senajā Romā sievietēm bija tendence mirt jaunām dzemdību un vispārēju grūtību dēļ, ko radīja laulība un pārmērīgs darbs. [39] Romas sievietes bieži godāja vīri, daži altāri bija veltīti pārim, bet citi - tikai sievas godā. Turklāt dažas bērnu sievietes tika godinātas altāros pēc viņu bēdu cietušo vecāku pasūtījuma. [40]

Dizainparaugi Rediģēt

Romiešu bēru altāriem bija dažādas struktūras, un lielākā daļa atspoguļoja solīto altāru, kuriem ir plakana virsotne, uzcelšanas dizainu. [41] Citiem, kas, visticamāk, bija paredzēti upuru saņemšanai, altāru virsotnes tika nojauktas. [27] Pelnu urnu ievietošanai iekšpusē tika izveidoti dziļāki dobumi. [24] Altāru izmēri var būt no miniatūriem piemēriem līdz 2 metrus augstiem. [29] Daži nēsāja krūšturus vai mirušā statujas vai portretus. [29] Vienkāršākais un visizplatītākais bēru altāra veids bija bāze ar frontonu, bieži vien ar portretu vai epitāfiju. [42] Tās gandrīz visas ir taisnstūra formas un garākas nekā platas. Vienkāršās vai spirālveida kolonnas parasti ierāmē portretu vai ainu, kas attēlota uz altāra. [43]

Kopā ar tipisko portretu un epitāfiju altāros bija ierakstīti arī citi motīvi. Šiem motīviem bieži bija citpasaules vai bēru nozīme, tostarp lauru vainagi vai augļu vainagi. [44] Mitoloģiskie mājieni altāra dizainā bieži bija vērsti uz mirušā pielīdzināšanu dievišķai būtnei. [45] Šo mājienu piemēri ir jauna meitene, kura tiek attēlota Daphne pārģērbta par lauru koku, vai cita meitene, kas tiek attēlota kā dieviete Diāna. Dažreiz uz altāra tika attēloti instrumenti, kas bija raksturīgi mirušā profesijai. [46] Romas bēru altāru dizains katram altārim ir atšķirīgs, taču ir daudz visaptverošu tēmu.

". akmens piemineklis ir pastāvības izpausme. Tāpēc nav pārsteigums, ka romiešu apsēstība ar personīgo nemirstību savu fizisko veidolu ieguva akmenī." [47]

Sarkofāgi tika izmantoti romiešu bēru mākslā, sākot ar mūsu ēras otro gadsimtu un turpinoties līdz ceturtajam gadsimtam. Sarkofāgs, kas grieķu valodā nozīmē "miesas ēdājs", ir akmens zārks, ko izmanto apbedījumu apbedīšanai. [48] ​​Sarkofāgi tika pasūtīti ne tikai Romas sabiedrības elitei (nobriedušiem vīriešu kārtas pilsoņiem), [49] bet arī bērniem, veselām ģimenēm un mīļotajām sievām un mātēm. Visdārgākie sarkofāgi tika izgatavoti no marmora, bet tika izmantoti arī citi akmeņi, svins un koks. [48] ​​Līdz ar ražošanas materiālu klāstu pastāvēja dažādi stili un formas, atkarībā no tā, kur sarkofāgs tika ražots un kam tas tika ražots.

Pirms sarkofāgiem Rediģēt

Inhumācijas apbedīšanas prakse un sarkofāgu izmantošana ne vienmēr bija iecienītākā romiešu bēru tradīcija. Etruski un grieķi gadsimtiem ilgi izmantoja sarkofāgus, pirms romieši beidzot pieņēma šo praksi otrajā gadsimtā. [48] ​​Pirms šī perioda mirušie parasti tika kremēti un ievietoti marmora pelnu lādēs vai pelnu altāros, vai arī vienkārši tika pieminēti ar kapa altāri, kas nebija paredzēts kremēto mirstīgo atlieku glabāšanai. Neskatoties uz to, ka Romas Republikas laikā tā bija galvenā bēru tradīcija, pelnu lādes un kapu altāri praktiski pazuda no tirgus tikai gadsimtu pēc sarkofāga parādīšanās. [50]

Bieži tiek pieņemts, ka sarkofāgu popularitāte sākās ar romiešu aristokrātiju un pamazām kļuva arvien pieņemamāka zemākajām klasēm. [49] Tomēr agrāk dārgākos un ārišķīgākos kapu altārus un pelnu lādes biežāk pasūtīja bagāti brīvprātīgie un citi topošās vidusšķiras pārstāvji nekā Romas elite. [51] Sakarā ar šo faktu un to, ka trūkst uzrakstu par agrīnajiem sarkofāgiem, nav pietiekami daudz pierādījumu, lai spriestu par to, vai sarkofāgu mode sākās ar konkrētu sociālo slāni. Izdzīvojušie pierādījumi liecina, ka lielākā daļa agrīno sarkofāgu tika izmantoti bērniem. Tas liek domāt, ka apbedīšanas prakses izmaiņas, iespējams, nav radušās vienkārši modes izmaiņu dēļ, bet, iespējams, mainot attieksmi pret apbedīšanu. Iespējams, ka lēmums sākt mirušo ķermeņu iecelšanu notika tāpēc, ka ģimenes uzskatīja, ka ievainošana ir laipnāka un mazāk satraucoša apbedīšanas rituāla nekā kremācija, tāpēc bija jāmaina apbedīšanas piemineklis. [49]

Stilistiskā pāreja no altāriem un pelnu lādēm uz sarkofāgiem Rediģēt

Lai gan kapu altāri un pelnu lādes praktiski pazuda no tirgus otrajā gadsimtā, to dekorēšanas aspekti saglabājās dažos sarkofāgu stilistiskajos elementos. Lielākā agrīno sarkofāgu stilistiskā grupa otrajā gadsimtā ir vītnes sarkofāgi - dekorēšanas paraža, kas iepriekš tika izmantota pelnu lādēs un kapu altāros. Lai gan dekorācijas priekšnoteikums ir vienāds, ir dažas atšķirības. Garland balsti bieži vien ir cilvēku figūras, nevis iepriekš izmantoto dzīvnieku galvas. Turklāt lauku aizpilda īpašas mitoloģiskas ainas, nevis mazi putni vai citas nelielas ainas. Uz vītnes sarkofāgiem trūkst arī uzrakstu paneļa uz vītņu pelnu altāriem un lādēm. Kad sarkofāgam patiešām bija uzraksts, tas šķita kā papildu papildinājums un parasti skrēja gar krūškurvja augšējo malu vai starp rotājumiem. [52] Fakts, ka agrīnie vītņu sarkofāgi turpināja kapu altāru tradīcijas ar rotātām vītnēm, liek domāt, ka sarkofāgu pasūtītājiem un tēlniekiem bija līdzīga pieeja tiem, kas iegādājās un ražoja kapu altārus. Abos pieminekļos tika izmantota līdzīga stilistisko motīvu kolekcija ar tikai nelielām ikonogrāfijas izmaiņām. [53]

Romas, bēniņu un Āzijas sarkofāgu metropoles ražošanas centri Rediģēt

Senās Romas impērijas sarkofāgu ražošanā bija iesaistītas trīs galvenās puses: pasūtītājs, skulptūru veidošanas darbnīca, kas cirsts pieminekli, un uz karjeriem balstītā darbnīca, kas piegādāja materiālus. Attālums starp šīm partijām bija ļoti mainīgs impērijas lielā izmēra dēļ. [54] Romas, bēniņu un Āzijas metropolīts bija trīs galvenie reģionālie sarkofāgu veidi, kas dominēja tirdzniecībā visā Romas impērijā. [48] ​​Lai gan tie tika sadalīti reģionos, sarkofāgu ražošana nebija tik vienkārša, kā varētu šķist. Piemēram, bēniņu darbnīcas atradās netālu no Pentelikon kalna, kas bija to materiālu avots, taču parasti tās atradās ļoti tālu no klienta. Gluži pretēji bija Romas metropoles darbnīcām, kuras, lai pabeigtu pasūtījumus, no tāliem karjeriem mēdza importēt lielus, rupjus sarkofāgus. Atkarībā no attāluma un klientu pieprasījuma (daži klienti var izvēlēties, lai viņu sarkofāgu elementi tiktu atstāti nepabeigti līdz nākamajam datumam, ieviešot iespēju turpināt darbu pēc galvenās komisijas maksas), pārvadāšanas laikā sarkofāgi atradās daudzos dažādos ražošanas posmos. Tā rezultātā ir grūti izstrādāt standartizētu ražošanas modeli. [55]

Romas metropolīts Rediģēt

Roma bija primārais ražošanas centrs impērijas rietumu daļā. Metropoles romiešu sarkofāgs bieži ieguva zemas taisnstūrveida kastes formu ar plakanu vāku. Tā kā sarkofāgs parasti tika novietots mauzoleja nišā vai pie sienas, tie parasti bija dekorēti tikai priekšpusē un divās īsākās pusēs. Daudzus rotāja vītņu, augļu un lapu kokgriezumi, kā arī stāstījuma ainas no grieķu mitoloģijas. Populāras bija arī kaujas un medību ainas, biogrāfiski notikumi no mirušā dzīves, portreta krūšturi, mirušā profesija un abstraktie zīmējumi. [48]

Bēniņu rediģēšana

Atēnas bija galvenais mansarda stila sarkofāgu ražošanas centrs. Šajās darbnīcās galvenokārt tika ražoti sarkofāgi eksportam. Tie bija taisnstūra formas un bieži vien bija dekorēti no visām četrām pusēm, atšķirībā no metropoles romiešu stila, ar dekoratīviem kokgriezumiem gar pieminekļa apakšējo un augšējo malu. Vāki arī atšķīrās no plakanā metropoles romiešu stila, un tiem bija slīps divslīpju jumts [48] vai klīna vāks, kas cirsts dīvāna spilvenu stilā, uz kura atrodas mirušā forma. [56] Lielākajā daļā šo sarkofāgu bija arī mitoloģiski priekšmeti, īpaši Trojas karš, Ahilejs un cīņas ar amazonēm. [48]

Mazāzija (Āzijas) Rediģēt

Dokimeiona darbnīcas Frīģijā specializējās arhitektoniski veidotos liela mēroga Āzijas sarkofāgos. Daudzos bija virkne kolonnu, kuras visās četrās pusēs savienoja antabulācija ar cilvēku figūrām apgabalā starp kolonnām. Vāki bieži tika veidoti divslīpju jumta dizainā, lai pabeigtu arhitektūras stila sarkofāgus, tāpēc zārks veidoja sava veida māju vai templi mirušajam. Arī citās Mazāzijas pilsētās tika ražoti vītņu tradīcijas sarkofāgi. Kopumā sarkofāgi tika dekorēti no trim vai četrām pusēm, atkarībā no tā, vai tie bija jāparāda uz pjedestāla brīvā dabā vai pret sienām kapu iekšpusē. [48]

Mīti un nozīme seno romiešu sarkofāgos Edit

Pāreja no klasiskās vītnes un sezonas reljefiem ar mazākām mitoloģiskām figūrām uz lielāku koncentrēšanos uz pilnām mitoloģiskām ainām sākās ar klasiskā stila izjukšanu otrā gadsimta beigās līdz Markusa Aurēlija valdīšanas beigām. [57] Šī nobīde noveda pie populāru tēmu un nozīmju attīstības, kas tika attēlotas ar mitoloģiskām ainām un alegorijām. Populārākās mitoloģiskās ainas par romiešu sarkofāgiem darbojās kā sēru palīglīdzekļi, dzīves un laimes vīzijas un Romas pilsoņu pašattēlošanās iespējas. Ļoti bieži uz sarkofāgiem, kas darbojās kā sēru palīglīdzekļi, bija redzami attēli, kuros bija redzams, ka kalidoniešu mežacūku medību saimnieka Meleagera bēdas apraudāja Atalanta, kā arī Ahileja sērojošā Patroka attēli. Abos gadījumos mitoloģiskās ainas bija līdzīgas parastu Romas pilsoņu sēru praksei, cenšoties atspoguļot viņu bēdas un mierināt viņus, kad viņi apmeklēja kapu. [58] Sarkofāgos parasti tika attēloti arī rotaļīgi attēli, kuros attēloti Nereīdi, Dionīsija triumfs un Dionīsa un Ariadnes mīlas ainas. [59] Iespējams, ka šīs laimes un mīlestības ainas nāves un sēru priekšā iedrošināja dzīvos baudīt dzīvi, kamēr vien varēja, un atspoguļoja svētkus un maltītes, ko sērojošie vēlāk izbaudīs kapā, kad viņi atgriezīsies ciemos. mirušais. [60] Trešais gadsimts ietvēra popularitātes atgriešanos romiešu sarkofāgos. Bija vairāki dažādi veidi, kā Romas pilsoņi vērsās pie pašpārstāvības sarkofāgos. Dažiem sarkofāgiem bija mirušā sejas vai pilnas figūras attēlojums. In other cases, mythological portraits were used to connect characteristics of the deceased with traits of the hero or heroine portrayed. For example, common mythological portraits of deceased women identified them with women of lauded traits in myth, such as the devoted Selene or loyal Alcestis. [61] Scenes featuring the figures of Meleager and Achilles expressed bravery and were often produced on sarcophagi holding deceased men. [48] Biographical scenes that emphasize the true virtues of Roman citizens were also used to commemorate the deceased. Scholars argue that these biographical scenes as well as the comparisons to mythological characters suggest that self-portrayal on Roman sarcophagi did not exist to celebrate the traits of the deceased, but rather to emphasize favored Roman cultural values [62] and demonstrate that the family of the deceased were educated members of the elite that could understand difficult mythological allegories. [63]

Third- and fourth-century sarcophagi Edit

The breakup of the classical style led to a period in which full mythological reliefs with an increase in the number of figures and an elongation of forms became more popular, as discussed above. The proportion of figures on the reliefs also became increasingly unbalanced, with the main figures taking up the greatest area with smaller figures crowded in the small pockets of empty space. [64] In the third century, another transition in theme and style of sarcophagi involved the return in popularity of representing mythological and non-mythological portraits of the deceased. [65] Imagery of the four seasons also becomes popular during the third and fourth centuries. With the advent of Christianity in the third century, traditional motifs, like the seasons, remained, and images representing a belief in the afterlife appeared. The change in style brought by Christianity is perhaps most significant, as it signals a change in emphasis on images of retrospection, and introduced images of an afterlife. [66]

The Roman catacombs are a series of underground cemeteries that were built in several major cities of the Roman Empire, beginning in the first and second centuries B.C.E. The tradition was later copied in several other cities around the world, though underground burial had been already common in many cultures before Christianity. [67] The word "Catacomb" means a large, underground, Christian cemetery. Because of laws prohibiting burial within the city, the catacombs were constructed around the city along existing roads such as the Via Appia, where San Callixtus and San Sebastiano can be found, two of the most significant catacombs. [68] The catacombs were often named for saints who were buried in them, according to tradition, though at the time of their burial, martyr cults had not yet achieved the popularity to grant them lavish tombs. [69] After 750 B.C.E., most of the remains of these martyrs were moved to the churches in the city above. [68] This was mainly undertaken by Pope Paul I, who decided to move the relics because of the neglected state of the catacombs. [70] The construction of catacombs started late in the first century and during this time they were used only for burial purposes and for funerary rites. The process of underground burial was abandoned, however, in the fifth century. [71] A few catacombs remained open to be used as sites of pilgrimage because of their abundance of relics. [69]

Before Christians began to use catacombs for burial, they buried their dead in pagan burial areas. [72] As a result of their community's economic and organizational growth, Christians were able to begin these exclusively Christian cemeteries. [73] Members of the community created a "communal fund" which ensured that all members would be buried. Christians also insisted on inhumation and the catacombs allowed them to practice this in an organized and practical manner.

Types of tombs Edit

The layout and architecture was designed to make very efficient use of the space [74] and consisted of several levels with skylights that were positioned both to maximize lighting and to highlight certain elements of the decor. [75] There are several types of tomb in the catacombs, the simplest and most common of which is the loculus (pl. loculi), a cavity in the wall closed off by marble or terra-cotta slabs. These are usually simple and organized very economically, arranged along the walls of the hallways in the catacombs. A mensa is a niche in the wall holding a sarcophagus while a cubiculus is more private, more monumental, and usually more decorated. [76] Cubicula use architectural structures, such as columns, pilasters, and arches, along with bold geometric shapes. [77] Their size and elaborate decor indicate wealthier occupants. With the issuance of the Edict of Milan, as Christians were less persecuted and gained more members of the upper class, the catacombs were greatly expanded and grew more monumental. [78]

Types of decor Edit

Material of tombs Edit

Much of the material of the tombs was second-hand, some even still has pagan inscriptions on them from their previous use. [79] Marble was used often, partially because it reflected light and was light in color. [80] Clay bricks were the other common material that was used for structure and for decor. Roman concrete (volcanic rock, lime putty, and water — a combination which is incredibly resistant to wear) and a thin layer of stucco was spread over the walls of bare rock faces. This was not structural, only aesthetic, and was typically painted with frescoes. [81]

Inscriptions Edit

Tombs were usually marked with epitaphs, seals, Christian symbols, or prayers in the form of an inscription or painted in red lead, though often they were marked only with the name of the occupant. [76] Inscriptions in the Christian catacombs were usually in Latin or Greek, while in the Jewish catacombs they were written in either Greek or Hebrew. [82] The majority of them are religiously neutral, while some are only graphic imitations of epitaphs (dashes and letters) that serve no meaning but to continue the funerary theme in an anonymous and efficient mass-production. Textual inscriptions also contained graphic elements and were matched in size and significance with decorative elements and elaborate punctuations marks. [83] Some Christians were too poor to afford inscriptions, but could inscribe their tomb with a short and somewhat sloppy graffito while the mortar was still drying [84] Eventually, a code of equality was established ensuring that the tombs of poorer Christians would still be decorated, however minimally. The quality of writing on pagan tombstones is noticeably superior to that on Christian tombstones. This was probably due to the fact that Christians had less means, less access to specialized workers, and perhaps care more about the content of their inscriptions than their aesthetic. [85]

Objects Edit

Objects were often set before, in, and in the mortar of tombs. These took the form of benches, stools, tables, and tableware and may have been used for rites such as the refrigerium (the funerary meal) which involved real food and drink. [86] Tables most likely held offerings of food while vases or other glass or ceramic containers held offerings of wine. Objects such as the bases of gold glass beakers, shells, dolls, buttons, jewelry, bells, and coins were added to the mortar of the loculi or left on shelves near the tomb. Some of these objects may have been encased in the tomb with the body and removed later. [87] Objects were much more common during and after the Constantinian period. [86]

Frescoes Edit

The objects surrounding the tomb were reflected in the frescoes of banquets. [88] The tombs sometimes used mosaics, but frescoes were overwhelmingly more popular than mosaics. The walls were typically whitewashed and divided up into sections by red and green lines. This shows influence from Pompeian wall painting which tends toward extreme simplification of architectural imitation. [89]

"The Severan period sees the definition of the wall surface as a chromatic unity, no longer intended as a space open towards an illusionary depth, but rather as a solid and substantial surface to be articulated with panels." [89]

Symbolism Edit

The organized and simple style of the frescoes manifests itself in two forms: an imitation of architecture, and clearly defined images. The images typically present one subject of religious importance and are combined together to tell a familiar (typically Christian) story. Floral motif [90] and the Herculean labors (often used in pagan funerary monuments) along with other Hellenistic imagery are common and merge in their depictions of nature with Christian ideas of Eden. [91] Similarly, seasons are a common theme and represent the journey through life from birth (spring) to death (winter), which goes with the occasional depictions of the Goddesses Ceres and Proserpina. There are many examples of pagan symbolism in the Christian catacombs, often used as parallels to Christian stories. The phoenix, a pagan symbol, is used to symbolize the Resurrection [92] Hercules in the Garden of Hesperides symbolizes Adam, Eve, and the Serpent in the garden of Eden [93] the most famous symbol of the catacombs, the Good Shepherd is sometimes shown as Christ, but sometimes as the Greek figure Orpheus. [92]

Most usage of pagan imagery is to emphasize paradisial aspects, [94] though it may also indicate that either the patron or the artist was pagan. [95] Other symbols include historical martyrs, [96] funerary banquets, [97] and symbols of the occupation of the deceased. [98] The most popular symbols are of the Jonah cycle, the Baptism of Christ, and the Good Shepherd and the fisherman. [99] The Good Shepherd was used as a wish for peaceful rest for the dead, but also acted as a guide to the dead who were represented by the sheep. Sometimes the Good Shepherd was depicted with the fisherman and the philosopher as the symbol of ultimate "peace on land and sea," though this is only briefly popular. [100] These Old Testament scenes are also seen in Jewish catacombs.

Culturally significant throughout the Empire, the erection and dedication of funerary tombstones was a common and accessible burial practice. [101] As in modern times, epitaphs were a means of publicly showcasing one's wealth, honor, and status in society. [101] In this way, tombstones not only served to commemorate the dead, but also to reflect the sophistication of the Roman world. [101] Both parties, therefore – the living and the dead – were venerated by and benefited from public burial. [102] Though Roman tombstones varied in size, shape, and style, the epitaphs inscribed upon them were largely uniform. [103] Traditionally, these inscriptions included a prayer to the Manes, the name and age of the deceased, and the name of the commemorator. [104] Some funerary inscriptions, though rare, included the year, month, day, and even hour of death. [105] The design and layout of the epitaph itself would have often been left to the discretion of a hired stonemason. [103] In some cases, the stonemason would have even chosen the inscription, choosing a common phrase to complement the biographical information provided by the family of the deceased. [106] In death, one had the opportunity to idealize and romanticize their accomplishments consequently, some funerary inscriptions can be misleading. [107] Tombstones and epitaphs, therefore, should not be viewed as an accurate depiction of the Roman demographic. [108]

Freedmen and their children Edit

In the Roman world, infant mortality was common and widespread throughout the Empire. [109] Consequently, parents often remained emotionally detached from young children, so as to prevent or lessen future grief. [110] Nonetheless, tombstones and epitaphs dedicated to infants were common among freedmen. [111] Of the surviving collection of Roman tombstones, roughly 75 percent were made by and for freedmen and slaves. [112] Regardless of class, tombstones functioned as a symbol of rank and were chiefly popular among those of servile origin. [113] As public displays, tombstones were a means of attaining social recognition and asserting one's rise from slavery. [114] Moreover, tombstones promoted the liberties of freeborn sons and daughters who, unlike their freed parents, were Roman citizens by birth. [115] The child's tria nomina, which served to show that the child was dignified and truly Roman, was typically inscribed upon the tombstone. [111] Infants additionally had one or two epithets inscribed upon the stone that emphasized the moral aspects of the child's life. [116] These epithets served to express the fact that even young children were governed by Roman virtues. [117]

Social elite Edit

Members of the ruling class became interested in erecting funerary monuments during the Augustan-Tiberian period. [118] Yet, by and large, this interest was brief. Whereas freedmen were often compelled to display their success and social mobility through the erection of public monuments, the elite felt little need for an open demonstration of this kind. [119] Archeological findings in Pompeii suggest that tombs and monuments erected by freedmen increased at the very moment when those erected by the elite began to decrease. [120] This change in custom signifies a restoration of pre-Augustan minimalism and austerity among the aristocracy in Rome. [120] Self-remembrance among the social elite became uncommon during this time. [121] Nonetheless governed by a strong sense of duty and religious piety, however, ancient Romans chose to celebrate the dead privately. [122] With this change, noble or aristocratic families took to commemorating the deceased by adding inscriptions or simple headstones to existing burial sites. [123] These sites, which were often located on the family's country estate, offered privacy to a grieving household. [123] Unlike freedmen, the Roman elite rarely used tombstones or other funerary monuments as indicators of social status. [124] The size and style of one's cippi, for example, was largely a personal choice and not something influenced by the need to fulfill greater social obligations. [119]

Soldiers Edit

In a military context, burial sites served to honor fallen soldiers as well as to mark newly sequestered Roman territory, such as Mainz. [125] The most common funerary monument for Roman soldiers was that of the stelae – a humble, unadorned piece of stone, cut into the shape of a rectangle. [126] The name, rank, and unit of the deceased would be inscribed upon the stone, as well as his age and his years of service in the Roman army. [126] The name of the commemorator, usually an heir or close family member, could be inscribed near the bottom of the stelae if desired. [126] Uniform in nature, the consistent style of these tombstones reflected the orderly, systematic nature of the army itself. [126] Each tombstone stood as a testament to the strength and persistence of the Roman army as well as the individual soldiers. [127] In some unique cases, military tombstones were adorned with sculpture. [128] These types of headstones typically belonged to members of the auxiliary units rather than legionary units. [129] The chief difference between the two units was citizenship. [129]

Whereas legionary soldiers were citizens of Rome, auxiliary soldiers came from provinces in the Empire. Auxiliary soldiers had the opportunity to obtain Roman citizenship only after their discharge. [129] Tombstones served to distinguish Romans from non-romans, and to enforce the social-hierarchy that existed within military legions. [130] For men who died in battle, the erection of ornate tombstones was a final attempt at Romanization. [131] Reliefs on auxiliary tombstones often depict men on horseback, denoting the courage and heroism of the auxiliary's cavalrymen. [132] Though expensive, tombstones were likely within the means of the common soldier. [130] Unlike most lower class citizens in ancient Rome, soldiers received a regular income. [130] Moreover, some historians suggest the creation of a burial club, a group organized to collect regular monetary contributions from the legions. [130] The proceeds served to subsidize the cost of burial for fallen soldiers. [130] Countless soldiers died in times of Roman war. Tombstones, therefore, were a way to identify and honor one's military service and personal achievement on the battlefield. [133] These tombstones did not commemorate soldiers who died in combat, but rather soldiers who died during times of peace when generals and comrades were at ease to hold proper burials. [133] Soldiers who died in battle were disrobed, cremated, and buried in mass graves near camp. [127] In some cases, heirs or other family members commissioned the construction of cenotaphs for lost soldiers - funerary monuments that commemorated the dead as if the body had been found and returned home. [134]


Beliefs About Life After Death In Ancient Rome

Detail from Aeneas and the Sibyl in the Underworld by Jan Brueghel the Younger , 1630s, via The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

There were no fixed or enforced beliefs about life after death in ancient Rome. The general consensus was that the deceased lived on in the Underworld. Influences and adaptations from Greek culture can be found throughout Roman poetry, such as The Aeneid by Virgil . In this epic poem, the hero Aeneas ventures into an Underworld that reflects the Greek equivalent, Hades . Here Aeneas encounters the dream-like Fields of Elysium, where the souls of the blessed reside, and gloomy Tartarus, the home of the damned. The unburied wait restlessly on the shores of the River Styx. It was believed that their souls haunted the living.

Gods associated with the Underworld , such as Pluto, Persephone, and Mercury, were worshiped widely, particularly in times of personal crisis. The Di Manes were believed to be the spirits or minor deities of the Underworld and the dead were thought to join their ranks in the afterlife.

Plaster funerary mask of a woman from Roman Egypt , 2 nd century AD, via The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

There were even dedicated festivals at which the souls of the departed were celebrated. The Di Manes were worshiped at the Parentalia, held from the 13 th to 21 st February each year, as well as on the days of birth and death of the deceased. Even the unburied had a festival, every May their souls were appeased during the Lemuria.

The dead also lived on, in the domestic and public sphere, through imagery. In Roman households, particularly aristocratic ones, there was a practice of creating molded masks from the faces of family members. Some masks were even made after someone had died. The masks were then kept in the family throughout the generations and often displayed in the main hall of the house. At family funeral processions the masks of ancestors were worn by current family members as a way of preserving their memory.

A Roman marble portrait head of Julius Caesar , 1 st century BC–1 st century AD, via Christie’s

Life after death in ancient Rome was quite different for emperors. After his assassination in 44 BC, Julius Caesar became the first Roman mortal to be deified after death. In a process known as apotheosis , many emperors who followed were also elevated to the status of a god after death. There were some, such as Emperor Caligula and Emperor Commodus , who even insisted on being deified while they were still alive. But most emperors, including Emperor Augustus , actively rejected deification during their lifetimes.


Roman Imperial Cinerary Urns

Pārskats
Roman cinerary urns tell us unique stories of ancient Rome’s formerly enslaved people, new Roman citizens, the lower-middle class, and the relationships they shared with fellow Romans in the early imperial period. These modest marble monuments showcase the interests and merits of art made not merely as affordable mass-produced market products but as altars, gifts, and memorials. Their inscribed texts, too, highlight learning and linguistic variation that has been under appreciated in certain branches of philological studies until recently. Their range of forms, sculpted decoration, and inscribed names proffer a wealth of information that has previously been ignored or unrecognized by art historians, classicists, and humanists of many other fields too.

This project is a synthetic study of Roman imperial cinerary monuments, funerary urns, altars, and similar vessels made to hold cremated remains of Rome’s dead throughout the first century CE and into the second century. The focus of this project is investigating the production of a diverse corpus of sculpted marble cinerary urns and how their display in tombs influenced their making and appearance. Marble urns as a corpus, collectively called cineraria, are the only type of Roman urns to feature extensive decoration, and those carved as vases and chests are among the most prevalent to survive from antiquity. These striking urns demonstrate predominately the great artistic achievements and interests of Rome’s “low to middle class,” the numerous slaves, freedmen (liberti), those of uncertain status (incerti), and new Roman citizens born from formerly enslaved families (ingenui). Only recently (for the past twenty years) are these works of art coming to the fore in scholarship. As such, marble cineraria provide rare glimpses into the upward mobility of Rome’s lower classes and first generation citizens, but also who produced or paved the way for truly Roman art and how.

Fons
Throughout the history of ancient Rome, both burial (inhumation) and cremation were the customary methods for disposing of the dead. In the early imperial period, cremation was the preferred method. Survivors of the deceased collected cremated remains (ossa vai cinerēs) of their loved ones and deposited the combination of ash and bone in vessels typically identified as cinerary urns, ash altars, ash chests, or ossuaries. These containers were produced in an array of sizes, materials (terra cotta, glass, alabaster, and granite), and in evocative forms (e.g., altars, chests, and vases) that were used by all strata of society in metropolitan Rome ranging from the enslaved to the emperor. While terra-cotta urns (called ollae) are the most abundant to survive from everyday people living in the imperial city, marble became the medium of choice for many individuals in Rome. Marble urns became emblematic for the corpus of cinerary vessels because of its ability to showcase the diverse aesthetic strategies sought by those people who could afford sculpted stone.

Cinerarium of Domitius Primigenius at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (27.122.2a, b), H. 54.5 × W. 33.5 × D.27 cm


What they show

Let us consider the background image for this page, the cinerarium of Domitius Primigenius. Ornamental decoration, fruitful festoons, and motifs found in many other media adorn its composition, as with most chest-shaped marble cineraria. This decoration reflects aesthetics popular among the whole urban population. Two flaming torches frame the scene and support the architectonic form of the urn. Playful figures surround or support framed inscription plaques, some of which were brightly rubricated and others left blank. Miniature portraits body forth the presence of the deceased and peer out at the viewer from roundels or couches others stand on display amid small scenes showcasing their virtue. Beside the funeral bier on our example, two vernae, enslaved children typically born into the ownership of the family, attend the bier with Domitius Primigenius.

While many marble cineraria were more modest in scale but highly ornamental in decoration, certain larger, more imposing cineraria (typically of altar form) were more conservative in appearance with minimal decoration but more prominent inscription plaques. Inscriptions on cinerary urns, primarily in Latin but some Greek, present much of what we might call demographic data about the people who made and used the objects. Linguistic variation, formulaic phrases, personal sentiment, and devotional beliefs, in addition to the carving practices of the engravers, are all preserved in the texts. Greater examination of the inscriptions on urns points to the need for comparative studies with other inscriptions preserved in CIL VI and broader classifications in the subfield of epigraphy. Moreover, technical analysis of how the engravers of inscriptions worked in relation to the sculpted object draws attention to related practices. This project seeks to reinstate the role of letter engravers and stone-cutters into the field of sculpture rather than characterizing their skillets as limited rather than multi-faceted.

No matter the decorative component, however, whoever looks at marble cineraria, like the ancient viewers at the graves, gaze fondly at these monuments taken in by the solemn, intimate interaction established by the sculpted presence of the deceased, whether that be in name only or elaborated by a portrait-like figure.

Changes
By the second century, cultural preferences shifted with cremation declining in practice and cinerary urns rapidly decreasing in use larger, typically more ornate marble sarcophagi for unburnt inhumed bodies became the preferred funerary vessels/monuments. In modern scholarship, sarcophagi have garnered the most attention because of their dynamic figural scenes, use of larger portraits, and ostensibly wealthier patrons. Marble cinerary urns, overlooked and understudied in scholarship on funerary art, and particularly the art of slaves, freedmen, and Rome’s middle class, remain valuable for greater study because they functioned simultaneously as practical containers, ritual objects, and stand-alone monuments that preserved the cremated remains of the deceased and commemorated their social identities after death. These marble works of art continued serving as important devotional objects for the living who maintained a funerary cult for their deceased loved ones.

Moving forward
For art historians, the relief decoration on marble cineraria is exceptional for its rich imagery and so-called “plebeian style,” but also for technical details of the sculpting (i.e., tool marks) that are detectable upon close examination. These tool marks and the varying states of completed carving reveal significant information about the objects and their production as well as the sculptors or stone-workers who made them. Combined with the epigraphic information from inscriptions on these urns, it is possible to examine and reconstruct the production of marble cineraria in a broad sense and establish relationships among different urns with similar marble sculpture, particularly funerary altars, reliefs, and small sarcophagi. This ScholarBlog is a work in-progress that presents ongoing research on the production of marble cinerary urns from metropolitan Rome and detailed analyses of their relief decoration.

By first looking closely at the surfaces of marble cinerary urns through technical analysis and considering the data they provide art historians, it is possible to start reevaluating their production and the influences of different display contexts. Continue >>

Research and travel for this project has been sponsored by the following:
The Emory Graduate Diversity Fellowship, the Laney Graduate School Professional Development Support Funds, the Fox Center for Humanistic Inquiry (PhD Interventions Project), the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation funds administered by the Art History Department in partnership with the Michael C. Carlos Museum and High Museum of Art, and Sir John Soane’s Museum Foundation.


The J. Paul Getty Museum

This image is available for download, without charge, under the Getty's Open Content Program.

Fragment of a Roman Funerary Inscription

Unknown 12.1 × 10.9 cm (4 3/4 × 4 5/16 in.) 75.AA.108

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Pašlaik nav redzams

Object Details

Nosaukums:

Fragment of a Roman Funerary Inscription

Artist/Maker:
Culture:
Place:

Roman Empire (Place Created)

Medium:
Object Number:
Izmēri:

12.1 × 10.9 cm (4 3/4 × 4 5/16 in.)

Uzraksts (-i):

Inscription: (QV?) […]OCA (P?)OST TERVMC (N?). INE

Department:
Classification:
Object Type:
Object Description

The fragment is roughly triangular in shape with a truncated apex. Parts of five lines of the inscription are preserved.

Provenance
Provenance

Bruce McNall, donated to the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1975.

Bibliogrāfija
Bibliogrāfija

Frel, Jiří. Recent Acquisitions of Antiquities: The J. Paul Getty Museum. June 1 - September 3, 1976. Exhibition brochure. (Malibu: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1976), p. 7. no. 54.

Bodel, John, and Stephen Tracy. Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the USA: A Checklist (New York: American Academy in Rome, 1997), p. 5.

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Palmyrene Funerary Portraiture

At the crossroads of East and West, the caravan city of Palmyra was a melting pot of culture.

Tower tombs, Palmyra, Syria (photo: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 3.0)

The search for identity is an unending one. As we peer across big lenses of time, such as those that separate us from the ancient Mediterranean world, one of the questions that occurs again and again is “who were these people?” In the case of Palmyra, a prosperous caravan city located in the Syrian Desert, a remarkable assemblage of funerary portraiture grants us a glimpse at the self-styled identity of a number of the city’s former occupants.

Tower tombs, Palmyra, Syria (photo: James Gordon, CC BY 2.0)

Elahbel Tower Tomb, Palmyra, Syria (photo: isawnyu, CC BY 2.0


Among the tomb types from Roman Syria are the curious “tower tombs” of Palmyra, which find no comparison in Roman architecture from the western empire (above and left). They were the main tomb typology from the final quarter of the first century until the middle of the second century C.E., at which point the underground hypogeum became the preferred tomb type. A hypogeum is a subterranean tomb, most often excavated directly from the bedrock, thus creating an underground chamber or chambers for burials.

The tower tombs tend to occupy high ground and were likely built for kinship groupings. These tall, slender structures enclose tiers of niches or loculi in which human remains would be deposited. Each loculus would then be sealed with a stone slab, often carved with a relief portrait of the descendent. An exceptionally fine (and early) example is the Tower Tomb of Iamblichus (dated to 83 C.E. on the basis of epigraphic evidence—evidence from inscriptions). Another is the well preserved Tomb of Elahbel (above) with its elaborately coffered ceilings (below).

Coffered ceiling, Elahbel Tower Tomb, Palmyra, Syria (photo: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 3.0)


The tomb also includes a small balcony (below).

Balcony, Elahbel Tower Tomb, Palmyra, Syria (photo: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 3.0)

Interior of a tower tomb, Palmyra, Syria (photo: Odilia, CC: BY-SA 3.0)

Individual portraiture

The individual loculus relief sculptures present a rich range of iconographic information about the people of Palmyra. These individualized reliefs are formatted as portrait reliefs and depict their subjects intimately, often with symbols of their status and social position.

Left: Palmyrene Funerary Relief Bust of a Priest, c. 50-150 C.E., limestone, 63 x 52.5 cm / Right: Palmyrene Funerary Bust of Tamma, c. 50-150 C.E., limestone, 50 cm high © Trustees of the British Museum


The portrait of a priest dating c. 50-150 C.E. (above left) provides a good example of this practice. The priest holds ritual vessels (a bowl and a jug) and wears the traditional polos hat—a high, cylindrical hat worn by both men and women and derived from the divine crowns of the goddesses of the ancient Near East and Anatolia. A fragmentary female figure stands behind the priest’s right shoulder. The funerary bust of Tamma, c. 50-150 C.E. (above right) demonstrates similar traits. Tamma is richly dressed, perhaps indicating worldly wealth, and holds a spindle and distaff, perhaps indicating that she produced fabric in her household. The inscription identifies her as “Tamma, daughter of Shamshi geram, son of Malku, son of Nashum.”

Palmyrene funerary relief of Viria Phoebe and Gaius Vurus, c. 50-150 C.E., limestone, 47.5 x 52 x 25 cm © Trustees of the British Museum

The bust portrait of a couple (above) shows a pair of decedents. This portrait carries a Greek inscription, which differs from the typical Aramaic inscriptions. The text identifies the two individuals as Viria Phoebe and Gaius Virius Alcimus. This pair have the same clan name, a possible indication they are the former slaves of a brother and sister. Alcimus holds a book-roll, while the woman holds the spindle and distaff (both implements associated with cloth production). These objects may be meant to evoke their respective roles.

Group reliefs

A third century C.E. funerary relief from Palmyra now in the British Museum (below) depicts a funeral banquet. Elite tombs of this period demonstrate a mixture of Roman and Near Eastern motifs. In this particular relief that depicts a funeral banquet, the reclining male is attended by a seated female perhaps the pair are meant to be husband and wife. The idea of the funeral banquet is a Roman motif adopted by local craftsmen. The male—presumably the deceased—reclines on a couch while holding an open vessel. He is depicted at a slightly larger scale than the attendant female. His costume is of Parthian origin, a sort of pant-suit. The Parthian empire, c. 247 B.C.E.-224 C.E. was a major political power of ancient Iran located on the eastern margin of the Roman empire. Reliefs such as this one would be arranged in groups of three in communal tombs, thereby giving the tomb chamber the resemblance of a Roman-style dining room (triclinium) in which a real banquet would have taken place.

Limestone relief showing a funerary banquet, Palmyra, Syria, c. 200-273 C.E., 40.6 x 43.1 x 19 cm © Trustees of the British Museum

The funerary reliefs from Palmyra form a profoundly evocative body of evidence. The individualized treatment of the sculptures themselves still serves to convey important elements about the identities of these individuals. We can glean information about wealth, social status, role in the community, familial relationships—all of which help to enrich our reconstruction of ancient Palmyrene society. The reliefs also demonstrate the degree to which Palmyra existed in a multicultural and multilingual landscape, one in which the traits, trends, styles, and languages of the Graeco-Roman world and the Near Eastern world not only overlapped but intertwined, producing new, unique cultural objects. This is an important realization, one that helps remind us of the degree to which the ancient world was diverse and varied and that a great deal of the material culture of the ancient world resulted from shared cultural influence and hybridization. The tombs of Palmyra embody and evoke this climate of cultural diversity as they still stand as monuments to Palmyrene identity.

Additional resources

W. Ball, Rome in the East: the Transformation of an Empire (London: Routledge, 2001).

M.A.R. Colledge, The Art of Palmyra (London: Westview Press, 1976).

Michael Danti, “Palmyrene Funerary Sculptures at Penn,” Ekspedīcija 43.3 (November 2001).

M. K. Heyn, “Gesture and Identity in the Funerary Art of Palmyra” Amerikas Arheoloģijas žurnāls 114.4 (October 2010) pp. 631-61. DOI: 10.3764/aja.114.4.631

Andreas J. Kropp, Images and Monuments of Near Eastern Dynasts, 100 BC – AD 100 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).


Roman Funerary Inscription - History

Funerals of the socially prominent were usually done by professional undertakers
sauca libitinarii . No direct description has been passed down of Roman funeral
rites. These rites usually included a public procession to the tomb or pyre where the
body was to be cremated. The most noteworthy thing about this procession was that
the survivors bore masks bearing the images of the family's deceased ancestors. The
right to carry the masks in public was eventually restricted to families prominent
enough to have held curule magistracies. Mimes, dancers, and musicians hired by
the undertakers, as well as professional female mourners, took part in these
processions. Less well to do Romans could join benevolent funerary societies
( collegia funeraticia ) who undertook these rites on their behalf.

Nine days after the disposal of the body, by burial or cremation, a feast was given
( cena novendialis ) and a libation poured over the grave or the ashes. Tā kā lielākā daļa
Romans were cremated, the ashes were typically collected in an urn and placed in a
niche in a collective tomb called a columbarium (literally, "dovecote"). During this
nine day period, the house was considered to be tainted, funesta, and was hung with
yew or cypress branches to warn bypassers. At the end of the period, the house was
swept in an attempt to purge it of the dead person's ghost.

Several Roman holidays commemorated a family's dead ancestors, including the
Parentalia, held February 13 through 21, to honour the family's ancestors and the
Lemuria, held on May 9, 11, and 13, in which ghosts (larvæ) were feared to be
active, and the pater familias sought to appease them with offerings of beans.

The Romans prohibited burning or burying in the city, both from a sacred and civil
consideration, so that the priests might not be contaminated by touching a dead
body, and so that houses would not be endangered by funeral fires.


Roman funerary inscriptions

The present study deals with the question of the organization of the stonemasonry production of funerary monuments in the interior of the former Roman province of Dalmatia. The aim of the research was to identify a model of stonemasonry production that originated in a mountainous and difficult to traverse area, where the possibilities of water transport of stone material are minimal. The author started from the assumption that production centres formed in some geographical areas during Roman rule, using local limestone sources for their operation. The study includes funerary monuments discovered in present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina and in the western part of Serbia and Montenegro.

By combining the methods of macroscopic petrographic analysis of the stone material and typological and spatial analysis, the existence of several production centres was proven. The results of the analyses indicate a very likely that they exploited the local limestone resources. Epigraphic data also made it possible to define their chronological aspect.

The study is essentially divided into two parts. The first presents the results of the material analyses, followed by a typological analysis. The second part contains a catalogue of the funerary monuments.


RIB 1065. Funerary inscription for Regina

Professor T.W. Thacker kindly provided the Palmyrene transcript and translation.

1, 3. Regina , liberta , coniuge , Catuallauna : in ablative, instead of the normal dative, case.

Addenda from RIB+add. (1995):

Full description and analysis by Phillips, CSIR i, 1. 247, who notes the contrast between the confident lettering of the Palmyrene inscription and the erratic lettering of the Latin. He concludes that the sculptor was Palmyrene, but under western influence, and was probably also responsible for RIB 1064. See note to RIB 1171 for whether Barates should be identified with [Ba]rathes Palmorenus .

Addenda from Brits. 31 (2000), 446, (d):

Adams (ZPE 123, 235-6) states that the grammatical case of Regina (etc.) is not ablative for dative, but accusative with omission of final -m (unsounded). The accusative of the honorand juxtaposed with the nominative of the dedicator, the verb understood, is a standard construction in Greek inscriptions. Greek was presumably the Palmyrene dedicator’s second language.


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Komentāri:

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  2. Heathdene

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  3. Lionel

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  5. Vokivocummast

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