Edmunds Bonners

Edmunds Bonners


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Edmunds Bonners, iespējams, dzimis Hanlijā, Vorčesteršīrā, aptuveni 1500. gadā. Tiek uzskatīts, ka viņa tēvs bija Češīras Deivenhemas rektors Džordžs Savāžs. Bonners tika uzņemts Broadgates zālē Oksfordā apmēram 1512. gadā. Septiņus gadus viņš studēja civiltiesības un kanoniskās tiesības, kā arī tika uzņemts civiltiesību un kanonisko tiesību bakalaura grādos 1519. gada jūlijā pēc kārtas. (1)

Bonneru iecēla par kardināla Tomasa Volseja kapelānu, un 1529. gada augustā viņš tika nosūtīts vēstniecībā pie Francijas karaļa. Volsijs zaudēja varu 1530. gadā, bet Bonners nodeva savu lojalitāti Tomam Kromvelam un veica diplomātiskās misijas Henrija VIII labā. 1537. gadā viņš kļuva par ķēniņa kapelānu, saņemot licenci būt nerezidentam un turēt labuma guvējus 500 sterliņu mārciņu vērtībā. Saskaņā ar Džona Foksa teikto: "Ar Henrija gājienu Bonners izrādījās ļoti nopietns, iebilstot pret pāvestu un stingri atbalstīja reformāciju". (2)

Bonners bija Henrija VIII vēstnieks karaļa Fransuā I galmā, un 1538. gada oktobrī viņš tika atsaukts uz Angliju, kur kļuva par Herefordas bīskapu. Nākamajā gadā viņš kļuva par Londonas bīskapu. Drīz Bonners parādīja, ka būs aktīvs cīņā pret ķecerību. Bonners uzsāka izmeklēšanu par Ansi Askevu, kura bija cieši kontaktējusies ar Džoanu Bočeru, vadošo personību anabaptistu un citu reformatoru, piemēram, Džona Lasela. (3)

1546. gada martā Askew tika aizturēts aizdomās par ķecerību. Viņa tika iztaujāta par grāmatu, ko viņa nēsāja un kuru bija uzrakstījis protestantu priesteris Džons Frīts, kurš 1533. gadā tika sadedzināts ķecerības dēļ, apgalvojot, ka ne šķīstītavu, ne transubstanciāciju nevar pierādīt ar Svētajiem Rakstiem. Viņu intervēja Edmunds Bonners. Pēc lielām debatēm Anne Askew tika pārliecināta parakstīt atzīšanos, kas bija tikai nedaudz kvalificēts pareizticīgo apgalvojums. (4)

Henrijs VIII nomira 1547. gada 28. janvārī. Pēc Edvarda VI pievienošanās Bonners drīz vien nonāca grūtībās ar savu viedokli. Bīskaps Bonners atteicās nodot zvērestu un viņš tika nosūtīts uz Flotes cietumu. (5) Ar bīskapa Stīvena Gardinera atbalstu viņš tika atbrīvots. Tomēr 1550. gadā viņš tika nosūtīts uz Marshalsea cietumu. "Pelēko brāļu hronikas autors stāsta, kā cietuma uzraugs 1550. gada 8. janvārī Bonneram izņēma gultu, un astoņas dienas viņam bija tikai salmi un pārklājs. gada, par atteikšanos samaksāt savam stūrmanim 10 sterliņu mārciņas. Bonnera apelācijas sūdzība par viņa spriedumu tika izskatīta 1550. gada 6. februārī, kad viņš tika nogādāts padomē Vestminsteras Zvaigžņu palātā. Viņš tika informēts, ka viņa apelācija bija apsvēruši un atbrīvoja no amata astoņi padomnieki. Arhibīskaps un citi komisāri atņēma viņa atņemšanu, un viņa sods tika apstiprināts. " (6) Viens no tiem, kas liecināja pret viņu, bija Viljams Latimērs. (7)

Edmunds Bonners palika cietumā līdz 1553. gada 5. augustam, kad karaliene Marija nosūtīja apžēlošanu. Džons Fokss apgalvo, ka "Marija redzēja tieši to, kas viņai vajadzīgs Bonnerā, kurš ar visu savu spēku iesaistījās protestantu vajāšanā. Ir teikts, ka divi simti no šī laika mocekļiem viņu personīgi tiesāja un notiesāja. . Bonners bija skarbs, neatlaidīgs cilvēks, bez žēluma vai līdzjūtības pret cilvēkiem, kas bija viņa priekšā. Bonneru neapmierināja nekas cits kā pilnīga padošanās. Līdz šim viņa dusmas pret ķecerību viņu nesa, ka viņš esot aicinājis stienīšus un sitis spītīgs liecinieks vairākkārt. " (8) Par galveno izmeklētāju tika iecelts Džons Storijs. (9)

Pirms ķeceru sadedzināšanas viņiem bija jāiztur degradācijas ceremonija. "Rokas tika nokasītas ar nazi, lai noņemtu svēto eļļu, ar kuru tās tika svaidītas. Skrāpēšanu varēja veikt maigi vai rupji. Protestanti apgalvoja, ka Bonners to darīja aptuveni ikreiz, kad viņš piedalījās degradācijas ceremonijā; bet tas var notikt Tā ir bijusi protestantu propaganda, jo Bonnera attieksme mainījās starp satricinošu un agresīvu satricinājumu un pacietīgu mēģinājumu pārliecināt ķecerus atkāpties, lai viņu dzīvības tiktu izglābtas. " (10)

Bīskaps Džons Rodžerss bija pirmais protestants, kuram tiesa piesprieda nāvi. Rodžerss pastāstīja Bonneram, ka viņam ir tikai viens lūgums, un lūdza, lai pirms sadedzināšanas viņam būtu atļauts saņemt vienu atvadu vizīti no sievas. Viņa lūgums tika noraidīts, un viņš tika sadedzināts Smiltfīldā 1555. gada 4. februārī. Pēc piecām dienām viņam sekoja bīskaps Džons Hūpers, Roulends Teilors un Lorenss Saunderss.

Džons Fokss rakstīja par Hūpera nāvi savā Mucenieku grāmata (1563): "Hūpers tika novests uz mieta. Apsargs viņam bija iedevis šaujampulvera iepakojumus, lai paātrinātu viņa nāvi un mazinātu ciešanas. Tos viņš nolika zem rokām un starp kājām ... Kad tika iedegta uguns. .. šaujampulveris uz Hūpera aizgāja, bet pat tas neko labu nedeva vēja dēļ.Pat tad, kad Hūpera mute bija melna un mēle pietūkuša, viņa lūpas turpināja kustēties, līdz saruka līdz smaganām. krūtis ar rokām, līdz viena roka nokrita. Tad viņš pieklauvēja ar otru - tauki, ūdens un asinis krita no pirkstu galiem ... Hopers bija ugunī vairāk nekā četrdesmit piecas minūtes, pat pacietīgi cieta kad viņa ķermeņa apakšdaļa nodegusi un zarnas izlijušas. " (11)

Bīskaps Edmunds Bonners pavēlēja arestēt Tomasu Kranmeru, Hjū Latimeru, Nikolasu Ridliju un Džonu Bredfordu. (12) 1555. gada 14. februārī Kranmeram tika atņemti baznīcas amati un viņš nodeva laicīgajām varas iestādēm. Džons Fokss norādīja: "Visi Oksfordas ārsti un dievi mēģināja likt viņam atkāpties, pat ļaujot viņam palikt dekāna namā, kamēr viņi ar viņu strīdējās, un galu galā Kranmers piekāpās viņu lūgumiem un parakstīja atkāpšanos, pieņemot pāvesta pilnvaras. visās lietās. " (13)

1555. gada 12. septembrī Kranmeru tiesāja par ķecerību. Pāvests Pāvils IV iecēla Glosteras bīskapu Džeimsu Brūksu par tiesnesi, kas notika Oksfordas Sv. Marijas baznīcā. Kriminālvajāšanas padomnieks Tomass Mārtins pakļāva Kranmeram "izcilu un nežēlīgu savstarpēju nopratināšanu", vaicājot par viņa attiecībām ar "Delfīnu melno džoanu" Kembridžā un laulībām ar Margaretu Vācijā. 1532. Mārtiņš arī pavadīja laiku pie zvēresta, ko viņš deva 1533. gada 30. martā iesvētīšanas ceremonijas laikā, kad kļuva par Kenterberijas arhibīskapu. Kranmeru krustā nopratināja arī Džons Storijs, saskaņā ar R.W.Heinzi, "izcilo inkvizitoru". (14)

Saskaņā ar grāmatas autoru Džasperu Ridliju Asiņainie Marijas mocekļi (2002): "Kranmers sarīkoja nožēlojamu izstādi; viņu pilnībā salauza ieslodzījums, viņam uzkrātie pazemojumi un visu viņa cerību sakāve; un viņa rakstura būtiskais vājums, vilcināšanās un šaubas bija acīmredzamas Bet viņš nelokāmi atteicās atkāpties un atzīt pāvesta pārākumu. Viņš tika nosodīts kā ķeceris. " (15)

16. oktobrī Kranmers bija spiests noskatīties, kā viņa draugi Nikolass Ridlijs un Hjū Latimers ķecerības dēļ tika sadedzināti. "Tiek ziņots, ka viņš asarās nokrita uz ceļiem. Dažas asaras, iespējams, radās viņam pašam. Viņš vienmēr bija uzticējies izveidotajai valstij; viņam tas pārstāvēja dievišķo likumu. Vai viņam tagad nevajadzētu paklausīt monarham un Baznīcas augstākā galva, pat ja viņa vēlējās atjaunot Romas jurisdikciju? Savā sirdsapziņā viņš noliedza pāvesta pārākumu. Arī sirdsapziņā viņam bija pienākums paklausīt savam suverēnam. " (16)

1556. gada 21. martā Tomasu Kranmeru atveda uz Oksfordas Sv. Marijas baznīcu, kur viņš stāvēja uz platformas, jo pret viņu tika vērsts sprediķis. Pēc tam viņam bija jāsaka īsa uzruna, kurā viņš atkārtos savu piekrišanu katoļu baznīcas patiesībām. Tā vietā viņš turpināja atkāpties un noraidīja sešus iepriekš paustos apgalvojumus un raksturoja pāvestu kā "Kristus ienaidnieku un Antikristu ar visu savu nepatieso mācību". Ierēdņi viņu izvilka no platformas un vilka uz sastatnēm.

Kranmers Baznīcā bija teicis, ka nožēlo atteikumu parakstīšanu un apgalvoja, ka "tā kā mana roka aizvainota, tā tiks sodīta ... kad es nākšu pie uguns, tā vispirms tiks sadedzināta". Saskaņā ar Džonu Foksu: "Kad viņš ieradās vietā, kur viņa priekšā tika sadedzināti Hjū Latimers un Ridlijs, Kranmers uz īsu brīdi noliecās ceļos, lai lūgtos, tad izģērbās līdz kreklam, kas karājās līdz kailām kājām. Viņa galva, kad viņš pacēlās Viņa cepures bija tik kails, ka uz tām nebija matiņu. Viņa bārda bija gara un bieza, pārklājot seju, kas bija tik smaga, ka aizkustināja gan viņa draugus, gan ienaidniekus. Uguns tuvojoties viņam, Kranmers ielika labo roku liesmas, turot to tur, līdz ikviens varēja redzēt, kā tas sadedzis, pirms tika pieskāries viņa ķermenim. " Dzirdēts, ka Kranmers raud: "šī necienīgā labā roka!" (17)

Pēc karalienes Marijas nāves viņu nomainīja karaliene Elizabete, kas izbeidza ķeceru dedzināšanu. Grāmatas autors Kristofers Moriss Tjūdori (1955) ir apgalvojis: "Nāvessods, sadedzinot, bija šausmīgi nežēlīgs, bet ne jau tas šokēja laikabiedrus - galu galā laikmetā, kas neko nezināja par anestēzijas līdzekļiem, bija jācieš ļoti daudz sāpju. ikviens vienā reizē, un publisko nāvessodu, lāču ēsmu un cīņu ar gaiļiem garša liecina par nežēlību, kas mazināja uzņēmību. " (18) Piecu gadu laikā uz sētas tika sadedzināti aptuveni 280 cilvēki. Džons Fokss apgalvoja, ka aptuveni 200 viņa personīgi tiesāja un notiesāja. (19)

1560. gada 20. aprīlī viņš tika nosūtīts uz Marshalsea cietumu. Viņš tur palika līdz savai nāvei 1569. gada 5. septembrī. (20) "Lai gan Bonneru neviens nebija redzējis vairāk nekā desmit gadus, viņa atmiņa bija tik svaiga un cilvēki viņu tik ļoti ienīda, ka viņu apglabāja pusnaktī, lai izvairītos no nemieriem. " (21)

Edmunds Bonners, Londonas bīskaps, kurš tik ļoti piedalījās protestantu vajāšanā karalienes Marijas valdīšanas laikā, dzimis Hanlijā Vorčesteršīrā apmēram 1500. gadā. Viņš bija ieguvis izglītību Oksfordā un, uzņemts priesterībā, iestājās kardināla Volseja mājsaimniecība.

Visā Henrija valdīšanas laikā Bonners izrādījās ļoti nopietns, iebilstot pret pāvestu un stingri atbalstīja reformāciju. Tomēr pēc Henrija nāves viņš atteicās nodot Edvarda zvērestu un tika nosūtīts uz cietumu, līdz viņš piekrita būt paklausīgs jaunajam ķēniņam, tika atbrīvots un vēlāk atkal ieslodzīts, līdz karaliene Marija ieņēma troni.

Marija redzēja tieši to, kas viņai vajadzīgs Bonnerā, kurš ar visu savu enerģiju iesaistījās protestantu vajāšanā. Līdz šim viņu niknums pret ķecerību nesa viņu, ka viņš esot teicis, ka ir ķēries pie nūjām un pats vairākkārt sitis spītīgus lieciniekus.

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(1) Kenets Kārletons, Edmunds Bonners: Oksfordas nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca (2004-2014)

(2) Džons Fokss, Foksa mocekļu grāmata (1563) 2014. gada izdevuma 248. lpp.

(3) Aleks Rīrijs, Džons Lascelless: Oksfordas nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca (2004-2014)

(4) Alisone Plovena, Tjūdoru sievietes (2002) 111. lpp

(5) Džaspers Ridlijs, Asiņainie Marijas mocekļi (2002) 31. lpp

(6) Kenets Kārletons, Edmunds Bonners: Oksfordas nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca (2004-2014)

(7) Endrjū Houpa, Viljams Latimers: Oksfordas nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca (2004-2014)

(8) Džons Fokss, Foksa mocekļu grāmata (1563) 2014. gada izdevuma 248. lpp.

(9) Džulians Loks, Džons Stāsts: Oksfordas nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca (2004-2014)

(10) Džaspers Ridlijs, Asiņainie Marijas mocekļi (2002) 67. lpp

(11) Džons Fokss, Foksa mocekļu grāmata (1563) 2014. gada izdevuma 121. – 122. Lpp.

(12) Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer: Oksfordas nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca (2004-2014)

(13) Džons Fokss, Mucenieku grāmata (1563) 2014. gada izdevuma 217. lpp.

(14) Džulians Loks, Džons Stāsts: Oksfordas nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca (2004-2014)

(15) Džaspers Ridlijs, Asiņainie Marijas mocekļi (2002) 112. lpp

(16) Pīters Akroids, Tudors (2012) 278.-279.lpp

(17) Džons Fokss, Mucenieku grāmata (1563) 2014. gada izdevuma 219. lpp.

(18) Kristofers Moriss, Tjūdori (1955) 102. lpp

(19) Džons Fokss, Foksa mocekļu grāmata (1563) 2014. gada izdevuma 248. lpp.

(20) Kenets Kārletons, Edmunds Bonners: Oksfordas nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca (2004-2014)

(21) Džons Fokss, Foksa mocekļu grāmata (1563) 2014. gada izdevuma 249. lpp.


BONNERS, EDMUNDS

Angļu reformācijas bīskaps un legists b. iespējams 1500 d. Marshalsea cietums, Londona, 1569. gada 5. septembris. Lai gan par to joprojām tiek diskutēts, tiek uzskatīts, ka Bonners ir bijis Danehemas, Češīras rektora Džordža Savage un Džordža Savage ārlaulības dēls, kurš vēlāk apprecējās ar garu zāģi Edmundu Bonneru. no Hanlijas, Vorčesteršīrā. Pembroka koledžā Oksfordā Bonners ieguva civiltiesību un kanonisko tiesību bakalaura grādu (1519) un doktora grādu civiltiesībās (1525). Viņš tika ordinēts ap 1519. gadu.

1529. gadā viņš kļuva par kardināla Tomasa Volseja kapelānu un piedalījās sarunās starp kardinālu un Tomasu Kromvelu, pēc krišanas no varas paliekot kopā ar Volseju. Izbaudot Kromvela labvēlību, Bonneru no 1532. līdz 1540. gadam nodarbināja Henrijs VIII vairākās diplomātiskajās pārstāvniecībās kontinentā pie Klementa VII, Kārļa V, Franciska I un luterāņu prinčiem. Marseļā viņš Klementa VII priekšā tik viltīgi iebilda pret Henrija prasību atcelt tiesību aktu, ka tas viņu satracināja citā gadījumā, kad Bonnera pārgalvīgā izturēšanās aizskāra Francisku I.

Lai gan Henrijs viņu iecēla Herefordas krēslā (1538), viņš vēl nebija iesvētīts, kad tika tulkots Londonā (1539). Tur viņš tika iesvētīts 1540. gada aprīlī. Spēcīgs Henrija un Annas Boleinas laulības aizstāvis pieņēma karalisko pārākumu. Viņš parādīja savu degsmi, uzrakstot ļoti pretpalīdzīgu priekšvārdu Hamburgas (1536.) izdevumam De Vera Obedientia, Stīvens Gardiners aizstāvēja Henrija apgalvojumu par Anglijas baznīcas galvu.

Bonners arī veicināja Tyndale Bībeles drukāšanu, kas bija paredzēta izplatīšanai Anglijā. Neskatoties uz to, viņš bija tikpat stingri pret protestantu doktrīnām kā Cuthbert tunstall un Stephen Gardiner. Vēlākos gados viņš atklāti attiecināja savu piekrišanu karaļa pārākumam ar bailēm no karaļa atriebības.

Pēc Edvarda VI pievienošanās (1547. gads) Bonners tika ieslodzīts vairākās apsūdzībās, piemēram, atteicās atzīt Karaļa padomes tiesības veikt jauninājumus reliģijā karaliskās minoritātes laikā, bet būtībā par atteikšanos pieņemt protestantisma ieviešanu. Džona Hūpera un Hjū Latimera izvirzīto apsūdzību rezultātā un pēc arhibīskapa Kranmera pārbaudes Bonneram 1549. gada oktobrī tika atņemta bīskapija.

Marijas atjaunotais, viņš piedalījās vadošajā darbā, lai atgrieztos pie pāvesta uzticības un pareizticīgās mācības. Būdams Londonas bīskaps, viņš vadīja daudzu ķeceru tiesas procesus, jo viņa krēsls bija protestantisma galvenais centrs. Viņa nostāja šajā sakarā ļāva viņam kļūt ņirgājamies par to, ka agrāk viņš bija karojošs pāvesta ienaidnieks. Viņš pozitīvāk izturējās pret protestantismu, rakstot un izplatot savā diecēzē Izdevīga un nepieciešama mācība katram kristietim, vienkāršs katoļu doktrīnu paziņojums, ko Filips Hjūzs ir raksturojis kā "īpaši sirsnīgu ceļvedi labākai dzīvei".

Par iebildumiem pret Elizabetes izmaiņām misē un atteikšanos atzīt viņas pretenzijas uz pārākumu, 1559. gada maijā viņam tika atņemtas redzesloks un viņš tika uzticēts Marshalsea. Viņa juridiskā izpratne ļāva viņam atspēkot apsūdzības, kas bija acīmredzami kriminālākas, piemēram, pārkāpums Praemunire, tādējādi atturot valdību no nāves sodīšanas citiem bīskapiem. Viņš nomira, vēl būdams cietumā.

Protestantu laikabiedri, jo īpaši Džons Beils un Džons Fokss, Bonneru apsūdzēja par to, ka viņš bija asinskārs protestantu vajātājs, tāpēc viņa vārds tika apgānīts angļu vēsturē līdz pat 19. gadsimta beigām. Pateicoties objektīvākiem rakstiem par reformāciju, jo īpaši tādu (protestantu) zinātnieku darbiem kā S. R. Maitlends un Džeimss Girdners, Bonnera reputācija ir atbrīvota no šīs apsūdzības. Tagad ir vispārpieņemts, ka, ņemot vērā karalisko politiku un tā laika standartus, viņš nebija nežēlīgs un pārlieku dedzīgs ķecerības sodīšanā.

Bibliogrāfija: lpp. hughes, Anglijas reformācija. 3 pret 1 (Ņujorka, 1968). l. b. smits, Tjūdoru prelāti un politika (Princeton 1953). g. l. m. j. nemainīgs, Reformācija Anglijā, tr. r. e. Scantlebury un e. i. watkin, 2 v. (Ņujorka 1934 un#x2013 42). g. e. Filips, Patiesība par bīskapu Bonneru (Londona 1910). j. gairdner, Nacionālās biogrāfijas vārdnīca no senākajiem laikiem līdz 1900 (Londona 1885 – 1900) 2: 818 – 822. st. o. Evennett, Lexikon f ü r Theologie und Kirche, red. j. Hofers un k. rahner (Freiburga 1957 – 65) 2: 600 – 601. j. žaunu, Angļu katoļu literārā un biogrāfiskā vēsture vai bibliogrāfiskā vārdnīca no 1534. gada līdz mūsdienām, 5 pret. (Londona un#x2013 Ņujorka, 1885 un#x2013 1902) 1: 260 un#x2013 266.


Bīskaps Bonners un citi Fulhamas pils spoki

Fulhemas pils vieta Londonas rietumos ir Baznīcas īpašumā vairāk nekā 1300 gadus, un daudzu gadsimtu laikā tajā dzīvo Londonas bīskapi. Vairāki no tiem nonāca pie lipīga gala: 1381. gadā bīskaps Sudberijs tika aizvilkts uz Tauerkalnu un viņam nocirta galvu bīskapam Ridlijam un viņa kolēģiem bīskapam Latimeram un bīskapam Kranmeram, kas tika sadedzināts pie mantas 1555. gadā, un bīskaps Lauds 1645. gadā nocirta galvu par nodevību. dažreiz asiņaina vēsture, nav pārsteigums, ka ziņojumi par spokiem un paranormāliem notikumiem sniedzas līdz pat 1780. gadiem un turpinās līdz pat šai dienai.

Bīskaps Bonners

16. gadsimtā, karalienes Marijas I valdīšanas laikā, katoļu bīskaps Edmunds Bonners Fulhemas pilī spīdzināja un ieslodzīja protestantus, līdz ar to arī viņa neoficiālais nosaukums “Asiņainais Bonners”. Dievbijīgs, bet nežēlīgs cilvēks, kam bija liela vara, viņš bija kardināla Tomasa Volseja kapelāns, kas viņu informēja par karali Henriju VIII un Tomasu Kromvelu.

Foksā Mucenieku grāmata viņš ir aprakstīts:

“Šis kanibāls trīs gadu laikā kosmosā nogalināja trīs simti mocekļu

Tie bija viņa ēdiens, viņš tik ļoti mīlēja asinis, nesaudzēja nevienu, ko pazina. ”

Bonners veica brutālus eksāmenus ķeceros lielajā zālē un viduslaiku kapelā.

Zem kāpnēm pie vecās virtuves un kalpu zāles stāvēja ogļu pagrabs, ko izmantoja cietumā. Tika teikts, ka no šī pagraba ir tunelis, kas izklāts ar pūjošiem skeletiem, kas savieno pili ar Fulham Palace Road, kur dzīvoja Bonnera māte, tagad Zelta lauva, kas ir vecākais krogs Fulhamā.

Bethnal Greenā, kur viņam bija arī savrupmāja, it kā bija redzams spoku treneris un zirgi. Viņa vārdā nosaukti Bonnera ceļš, Bonnera iela un Bonnera tilts, kā arī vietējais krogs Edmunds Bonners, kas arī ziņoja par spocīgām darbībām.

Pirms ierašanās Londonā 1530. gados Bonners bija rektors Sv. Nikolaja baznīcā Derehemā, Norfolkā, kur atrodas viņa vārdā nosauktais kotedžu muzejs. Derehamā tika ziņots, ka viņa spoks ir redzēts braucam „melnā pajūgā, ko vilkuši tik tumši zirgi, ka tie naktī kļūst gandrīz neredzami”. (Varbūt tas ir tas pats treneris, kas redzams Bethnal Green?)

Kad karaliene Elizabete I ieradās tronī, Bonneru izraidīja uz Marshalsea cietumu, kur viņš nomira. Tā kā viņu tik ļoti ienīda, viņš tika slepeni apglabāts pusnaktī neapzīmētā kapā Saintvarkas Svētā Džordža baznīcā. Viņa ķermenis vēlāk tika pārvietots uz Kopfordu (sena Londonas bīskapa muiža) netālu no Kolčesteras un apglabāts tur esošajā baznīcā. Tas tika atklāts no jauna 1810. gadā, kad tika izraktas kapenes nesen mirušajam rektoram.

Stāsti par Bonnera spoku Fulhamas pilī pastāv jau vairāk nekā 200 gadus. Viņa gars ir pazīstams kā pastaiga pa Tjūdoru pagalma ziemeļu istabām. Pēdējais novērojums notika tur 2019. gada sākumā. Vecākais objekta vadītājs Stīvs Bevans, kurš, uzraugot pils pilnīgu atjaunošanu, bija agrā sestdienas rītā pirmais ziemeļu istabu vietā: “Istabas vēl bija tumšas, bet bija gaišs spoža lieta nāk man pretī. Es gribēju ieslēgt gaismas, lai redzētu, kas tas ir, bet, tiklīdz es to ieslēdzu, tas pazuda, iet caur mani. Varēju sajust aukstu vēju. Tas bija patiešām dīvaini. Pēc šī incidenta man bija drebuļi - un es neesmu viegli nobijies. ”

Vēl viena lieta, ko Stīvs un viņa kolēģi bija pamanījuši, bija zivju smaka tajā pašā telpā, kurā viņš satika spoku. Tas joprojām parādās ik pa laikam, lai gan neviens pilī neēd un necep zivis un tagad ir ieeja jaunajā muzejā.

Skatiet interviju, ko filmēju ar Stīvu Bevanu:

Apmeklētāji lielajā zālē bieži runā par figūru, kas tiek dēvēta par Bonneru. 1989. gadā tur bija liecinieks bijušais apsaimniekotājs Ņūmens. Viņš redzēja bīskapu vecā garīdznieka tērpā ienākam un ejam pa gaiteni. Pusceļā bīskaps apstājās, noliecās un pielaboja saburzītās zeķes. Pēc tam viņš turpināja iet cauri sienai. Pārbaudot vecos plānus, Ņūmens atklāja, ka kādreiz tur bijušas durvis. (Šīs durvis tagad ir atjaunotas pašreizējos darbos.)

Hannas More grāmatā Bīskapa Bonnera spoks (1789) ir aprakstīta vēl viena tikšanās ar Bonneru:

Fulhemas pils dārzos ir tumšs padziļinājums, kura beigās stāv krēsls, kas kādreiz piederēja bīskapam Bonneram. Kāds Londonas bīskaps [bīskaps Portejs] vairāk nekā 200 gadus pēc iepriekš minētā Bonnera nāves, gluži kā gotikas kapelas pulkstenis bija sitis sešus, apņēmās ar savu roku izgriezt šauru pastaigu pa šo biezokni, kuru kopš tā laika sauc par mūku pastaigu. Viņš drīz nebija sācis atbrīvot ceļu, lūk! pēkšņi no krēsla pacēlās bīskapa Bonnera spoks.

Hanna More

Tas apliecina Bonnera pastāvīgo spēku, ka šķiet, ka viņš ir radījis spocīgas izpausmes, lai kur viņš dzīvotu, un kas turpinās pat pēc 500 gadiem.

Lai gan bīskaps Bonners ir slavens Fulhemas pils spoks, ir bijuši daudzi dīvaini un neizskaidrojami notikumi, kas varētu liecināt, ka vietni vajā vairāk nekā viens spoks. No personāla, brīvprātīgo, īrnieku un apmeklētāju stāstiem ir apkopota šāda pieredze:

Tjūdoru pagalms

  • Ir redzēts, ka cilvēki parādās pie strūklakas un uzreiz pazūd.
  • Kādu ļoti miglainu rītu apsaimniekotājs ieraudzīja bīskapu stāvam pagalma pretējā pusē. Tomēr biroja darbinieks ar viņu neko neredzēja.
  • Vēlā vakarā pilī tika gaidīts drošības personāla uzraugs. Kad viņš neieradās, viens no apsargiem devās pie ārdurvīm viņu meklēt. Viņš ieraudzīja uz zemes tumšu formu un pēc izmeklēšanas izrādījās, ka tas ir uzraugs. Acīmredzot, ierodoties pagalmā, viņš bija redzējis melnu spoku figūru un noģība.

Tjūdoru pagalma dienvidu spārns

  • Tīrīšanas darbiniece, kas strādāja vienā no augšstāva istabām, ieraudzīja bīskapu ienākam un ejam uz citu istabu. Kad viņa atgriezās pils galvenajā daļā, viņa teica, ka neapzinās, ka ciemos ir bīskaps. Bet viņas kolēģi teica, ka šajā dienā pilī nebija apmeklētāju.

Tjūdoru pagalma ziemeļu spārns

  • Īrnieks, kas strādāja pirmā stāva birojā, vēlā vakarā dzirdēja, ka virs viņa atveras durvis. Viņš dzirdēja soļus, kas staigāja pa istabu, bet otrā pusē durvis atveras un aizveras. Viņš domāja, ka varbūt kāds cits darbinieks ir ieradies un devās augšā izmeklēt, bet neatrada nevienu. Viņš atgriezās lejā savā kabinetā un turpināja strādāt. Tad viņš dzirdēja, ka durvis atkal atveras, soļi atgriežas pāri istabai, bet otras durvis atveras un aizveras.

Koridors uz kapelu

  • Brīvprātīgais gids, kas gāja pa koridoru kapelas virzienā, dzirdēja soļus augšā. Brīvprātīgā valkāja kurpes ar mīkstām zolēm, un katrs viņas solis atbilda iepriekš minētajiem soļiem. Viņa apstājās koridora līkumā, bet pēdas turpināja.

Lielā zāle

  • Kādu vakaru, aizslēdzot lielās koka durvis, kāds darbinieks juta, ka durvis viņam atgrūžas. Domādams, ka kāds mēģina iekļūt, viņš atvēra durvis, bet neviena nebija.
  • Darbinieks iekļuva aizslēgtajā zālē no ziemeļaustrumu ugunsdzēsības izejas. Viņš sajuta tabakas dūmus. Viņš piegāja tieši pie ārdurvīm un atslēdza tās. Tuvumā nebija neviena smēķētāja. Vēl viens darbinieks apstiprināja, ka neviens nav smēķējis. Kad viņi atgriezās lielajā zālē, smarža bija pazudusi.

Dubultās durvis starp lielo zāli un koridoru

  • Kādu vakaru, aizslēdzot divus darbiniekus, redzēja, ka šīs durvis pašas atveras. Viens no darbiniekiem patiesībā komentēja, ka tie, šķiet, ir atvērti, nevis vienkārši atvērti. Tā kā visa pils bija droša un visas iekšējās durvis tika aizvērtas, iegrimes varbūtība bija ļoti maz ticama.

Bīskapa Hovlija ēdamistaba

Viens darbinieks un daži brīvprātīgie daudzu gadu garumā istabas centrā ir sajutuši tabakas dūmus. Reiz, kad dūmi tika smirdēti, telpās bija vienīgais darbinieks un brīvprātīgais. Viņi meklēja iekšā un ārā, bet nevienu nevarēja redzēt.

Bīskapa Porteja bibliotēka

  • Bīskapam Portejam bija šausmas, ka viņš tika apglabāts dzīvs, tāpēc saskaņā ar viņa gribu viņa ķermenis tika atstāts uz vairākām dienām kapelā, lai nodrošinātu, ka „atgriešanās dzīvē dabiski nav iespējama”
  • Kāds darbinieks kādam apmeklētājam stāstīja stāstu par bīskapa Lota meitas Frančesas pēkšņo nāvi. Viņš apstaigāja rakstāmgaldu, lai parādītu apmeklētājam vitrīnas grāmatu, kurā bija aprakstīta viņas nāve. Veikala letes priekšā viņi abi gāja cauri aukstajai vietai un vienlaikus reaģēja uz katru teikto: “Vai tu to juti?”

Kalpi un#8217 kāpnes ārpus bīskapa Šerloka istabas

  • Divi apmeklētāji, kuri teica, ka ir psihiski, apgalvoja, ka pie kāpņu telpas jūtas ļoti auksti. Viena apgalvoja, ka ir stumta, kad viņa mēģināja stāvēt uz kāpnēm.

Ziemeļaustrumu spārns (Baznīcas apdrošināšanas birojs)

  • Laikā, kad šis spārns tika sagatavots muzejam un birojiem, nebija uzlādējamu elektroinstrumentu, un strādnieki izmantoja instrumentus, kas ar kabeli bija savienoti ar elektrības padevi. Vairāki strādnieki pieredzēja, ka elektrisko instrumentu lietošanas laikā tiek izslēgti elektriskie slēdži.

Augšstāvā

  • Kad muzejs tika atvērts 1992. gadā, gotikas namiņā bija trīs kaķi, viens dārzā (āra kaķis) un viens pilī (iekštelpu kaķis). Iekštelpu kaķis sekoja personālam pa koridoriem, taču izrādījās, ka baidās ar viņiem iet augšstāvā, vienmēr izvēloties gaidīt atgriešanos kāpņu pakājē.
  • Pirmā posma atjaunošanas darbu laikā 2006. gadā telpa tika izmantota kā drošs iekārtu noliktava. Vairāk nekā vienu reizi, kad no rīta tika atvērta istaba, lietas tika pārvietotas.

Pamatojums

  • Kādā vēlā 1992. gada vakarā, kad teritorija bija slēgta sabiedrībai, apsargs ieraudzīja jaunkundzi garā plūstošā kleitā lidojam starp kokiem. Kad viņš tuvojās viņai, viņš kliedza: "Hei, ko tu šeit dari", viņa atbildēja: "Es dzīvoju šeit" un nekavējoties pazuda viņa acu priekšā. Viņš atgriezās pilī un visu nakti ieslēdzās. (Varbūt tā bija Frensisa, bīskapa Lota mīļotā meita, kura nomira, pasniedzot kafiju Bristoles bīskapam? Lote uzrakstīja latīņu valodas epitāfiju, Cara, Vale “Dārgais, atvadas! ” par pēkšņu nāvi, vēlāk mūzikas autors - angļu komponists Džons Vols Kalkots)
  • Kādu agru rītu kāds apmeklētājs, kas gāja netālu no sienu dārza, ziņoja, ka redzējis Viktorijas laikmeta cilvēku grupu, kas staigā pa taku, kas atrodas blakus laukumiem. Viņš piebilda, ka viens stumj velosipēdu.

Liels paldies Peteram Trotam, pensionētajam Fulham Palace muzeja pārvaldniekam par daudzu iepriekš minēto ziņojumu sniegšanu.


Pēriena vēsture

Acīmredzot iestudētā izrādē, kuras datums nav zināms, skolotāja "sit" bērnam pa ceļgalu, kamēr pārējā klase grimasē.

Saskaņā ar ASV Izglītības departamenta sniegto informāciju fiziskie sodi skolā ir atļauti 22 štatos, un lielākā daļa tiek veikta Teksasā, Oklahomā, Misisipi, Luiziānā, Alabamā, Arkanzasā, Džordžijā un Tenesī. Kirn Vintage Stock/Corbis/Getty Images


Bonnera dzimtas koki, vainagi, ģenealoģijas, biogrāfijas, DNS un citi

Papildu rezultāti no Linkpendium ģimenes atklāšanas meklētājprogrammas

Linkpendium sērkociņi 1 - 10 (no aptuveni 13899 atbilstošajām lapām):

Aidaho pasta nodaļas - rādītājs
. Ada Adamsas apgabala biroji Benaka ezers Benewah Bingham Blaine Boise Bonners Bonnevilas robeža.
http://www.mindspring.com/

SAMPUBCO, Bonneras apgabals, Aidaho naturalizācijas indeksi, testamenti
. SAMPUBCO, Bonners Apgabals, Aidaho naturalizācijas indeksi, testamenti.
http://www.sampubco.com/nats/id/idbonner-pet01.htm

Bonnera Bībele
. Bonners Bībele.
http://www.biblerecords.com/bonner.html

Kanzasas publiskās bibliotēkas
. Bibliotēkas Bizonu bibliotēkas Blue Mound Libraries Blue Rapids Libraries Bonners Springs Libraries Bronson.
http://library.public-libraries.org/Kansas/KS.html

Vinonas apgabals, Minesota Biogrāfijas no A līdz H
. P. Birge, Joseph L. Blair, George W. Blair, Luke Bonners, C. L. Boysen, Peter Ferdinard Brink, V. A.
http://www.onlinebiographies.info/mn/winona/part-1.htm

Laipni lūdzam AHGP kapsētas transkripcijas un foto projektā Aidaho
. Beneva Bingama Bleina Boisa Bonners Bonneville Boundary Butte Camas Canyon Caribou Cassia Clark Clearwater.
http://www.usgennet.org/usa/topic/cemetery/idaho/index.htm

Atrodiet kapu - miljoniem kapsētas ierakstu un tiešsaistes piemiņas vietu
. Fotografēta Blanšarda kapsēta Blanšarda Bonners Aidaho apgabals ASV 3 217 88% Boyer kapsēta (Kootenai kapsēta.
http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=csr&CScnty=654

Šī meklēšana aizņēma 28 milisekundes.

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Supremacy and Survival: The English Reformation

Bishop Edmund Bonner, who at first accepted Henry VIII's supremacy and takeover of the Church in England, died on September 5, 1569 in Marshalsea Prison. As the 1911 Enciklopēdija Britannica describes his career during the latter part of Henry's reign and Edward VI's more radical Reformation:

Hitherto Bonner had been known as a somewhat coarse and unscrupulous tool of Cromwell, a sort of ecclesiastical Wriothesley, He is not known to have protested against any of the changes effected by his masters he professed to be no theologian, and was wont, when asked theological questions, to refer his interrogators to the divines. He had graduated in law, and not in theology. There was nothing in the Reformation to appeal to him, except the repudiation of papal control and he was one of those numerous Englishmen whose views were faithfully reflected in the Six Articles. He became a staunch Conservative, and, apart from his embassy to the emperor in 1524�, was mainly occupied during the last years of Henry's reign in brandishing the “whip with six strings.”

The accession of Edward VI opened a fresh and more creditable chapter in Bonner's career. Like Gardiner, he could hardly repudiate that royal supremacy, in the establishment of which he had been so active an agent but he began to doubt that supremacy when he saw to what uses it could be put by a Protestant council, and either he or Gardiner evolved the theory that the royal supremacy was in abeyance during a royal minority. The ground was skilfully chosen, but it was not legally nor constitutionally tenable. Both he and Gardiner had in fact sought fresh licences to exercise their ecclesiastical jurisdiction from the young king and, if he was supreme enough to confer jurisdiction, he was supreme enough to issue the injunctions and order the visitation to which Bonner objected. Moreover, if a minority involved an abeyance of the royal supremacy in the ecclesiastical sphere, it must do the same in the temporal sphere, and there could be nothing but anarchy. It was on this question that Bonner came into conflict with Edward's government. He resisted the visitation of August 1547, and was committed to the Fleet but he withdrew his opposition, and was released in time to take an active part against the government in the parliament of November 1547. In the next session, November 1548-March 1549, he was a leading opponent of the first Act of Uniformity and Book of Common Prayer. When these became law, he neglected to enforce them, and on the 1st of September 1549 he was required by the council to maintain at St Paul's Cross that the royal authority was as great as if the king were forty years of age. He failed to comply, and after a seven days' trial he was deprived of his bishopric by an ecclesiastical court over which Cranmer presided, and was sent to the Marshalsea. The fall of Somerset in the following month raised Bonner's hopes, and he appealed from Cranmer to the council. After a struggle the Protestant faction gained the upper hand, and on the 7th of February 1550 Bonner's deprivation was confirmed by the council sitting in the Star Chamber, and he was further condemned to perpetual imprisonment.


Edmund Bonner

Bishop of London, b. about 1500 d. 1569. He was the son of Edmund Bonner, a sawyer of Potter's Henley in Worcestershire, England, and Elizabeth Frodsham. Doubt was cast on his legitimacy by Bale and other opponents, who asserted that he was the natural son of a priest named Savage, but Strype and other Anglican writers, including the historian S. R. Maitland, have shown the groundless nature of these assertions. He was educated at Pembroke College, Oxford, then Broad

ate Hall, where he took his degree as Bachelor both of canon and of civil law in 1519, and was ordained priest about the same time. . In 1525 he became doctor of civil law and soon after entered the service of Cardinal Wolsey, which brought him to the notice of the king and Cromwell, and thus led to a diplomatic career. After the fall of Wolsey he remained faithful to him and was with him at the time of his arrest and death. When the question of the king's divorce was raised, he was employed by the king as his agent at Rome, where he remained a whole year, 1532 33. During the following years he was much employed on important embassies in the king's interests, first to the pope to appeal against the excommunication pronounced in July, 1533, afterwards to the emperor to dissuade him from attending the general council which the pope wished to summon at Vicenza, and again to the French Court to succeed Gardiner there as ambassador. In this capacity he proved capable and successful, though irritation was frequently caused by his overbearing and dictatorial manner. Meanwhile his services were rewarded by successive grants of the livings of Cherry Burton (Yorks), Ripple (Worcester), Blaydon (Durham), and East Dereham (Norfolk), and he was made Archdeacon of Leicester in 1535. Finally, while ambassador in France, he was elected Bishop of Hereford (27th November 1538) but owing to his absence he could neither be consecrated nor take possession of his see, and he was still abroad when he was translated to the Bishopric of London. Elected in November, 1539, he returned, and was consecrated 4th April, 1540. Almost his first duty was to try heretics under Henry's Act of the Six Articles, and though his action seems to have been only official, accusations of excessive cruelty and bias against the accused were spread broadcast by his enemies, and from the first he seems to have been unpopular in London. During the years 1542-43 he was again abroad in Spain and Germany as ambassador to the emperor, at the end of which time he returned to London. The death of the king on 28th January 1547, proved the turning point in his career Hitherto he had shown himself entirely subservient to the sovereign, supporting him in the matter of the divorce, approving of the suppression of the religious houses, taking the oath of Supremacy which Fisher and More refused at the cost of life itself, and accepting schismatical consecration and institution. But while acting in this way, he had always resisted the innovations of the Reformers, and held to the doctrines of the old religion. Therefore from the first he put himself in opposition to the religious changes introduced by Protector Somerset and Archbishop Cranmer.

He opposed the "Visitors" appointed by the Council, and was committed to prison for so doing Though not long a prisoner, after two years of un satisfactory struggle he came again into conflict with the Protector owing to his omission to enforce the use of the new Prayer Book. When ordered to preach at St. Paul's Cross he did so, but with such significant omissions in the matter which had been prescribed touching the king's authority, that he was finally deprived of his see and sent as a prisoner to the Marshalsea. Here he remained till the accession of Mary in 1553. On 5th of August in that year he took possession of his diocese once more. In estimating Bishop Bonner's conduct on his restoration to his see the difficulties of the position must be recalled. There was in London an extremely violent reforming element which opposed in every way the restoration of Catholic worship. For twenty years the authority of the Holy See had been set at naught and ridiculed in unsparing terms, and though the Parliament in 1554 welcomed Pole as Papal Legate and sought absolution and reconciliation from him with apparent unanimity, there was a real hostility to the whole proceeding among a considerable section of the populace. During 1554 Bonner carried out a visitation of his diocese, restoring the Mass and the manifold practices and emblems of Catholic life, but the work was carried out slowly and with difficulty. To help in the work, Bonner published a list of thirty-seven "Articles to be enquired of", but these led to such disturbances that they were temporarily withdrawn. While many rejoiced to have the old worship restored, others exhibited the most implacable hostility. As Bonner sat at St. Paul's Cross to hear Gilbert Bourne preach, when reference was made to the bishop's sufferings under Edward VI a dagger was thrown at the preacher. At St. Margaret's, West- minster, a murderous assault was made on the priest giving Holy Communion, the Blessed Sacrament itself was the object of profane outrages, and street brawls arising out of religious disputes were frequent. Meanwhile many of the Reformers attacked the Queen herself in terms that were clearly treasonable. Had these been proceeded against by the civil power much evil might have been averted, but unfortunately it was thought at the time that as the root of the evil lay in the religious question, the offenders would best be dealt with by the ecclesiastical tribunals, and on Bonner, as Bishop of London, fell the chief burden. Besides his judicial work in his own diocese, Bonner was appointed to carry out the painful task of degrading Cranmer at Oxford in February, 1556. The part he took in these affairs gave rise to intense hatred on the part of the Reformers, and by them he was represented as hounding men and women to death with merciless vindictiveness. Foxe in his "Book of Martyrs" summed up this view in two doggerel lines:

Another virulent opponent of Bonner was John Bale, formerly a friar and ex-Bishop of Ossory, who in 1554 published from his place of exile at Basle, an attack on the bishop, in which he speaks of him as "the bloody sheep-bite of London", "bloody Bonner", and still coarser epithets. Concerning this outburst Dr. Maitland quietly remarks, "when Bale wrote this book, little that could be called persecution had taken place. Not one martyr had suffered." These attacks of Foxe and Bale are noteworthy as being the foundation on which the current traditional view of Bonner's work and character has been based, a tradition that has only been broken down by the research of the past century. A man so regarded could expect small consideration when the death of Mary (17th November, 1558) placed Elizabeth on the throne, and the new queen's attitude to the bishop was marked at their first interview, when she refused him her hand to kiss. From 24th June, 1559, the Mass was forbidden as well as all other services not in the Book of Common Prayer, but long before that date the Mass ceased in most London churches, though Bonner took care that in his cathedral at least it should still be celebrated. On 30th May, Il Schifanoya, envoy from the Court of Mantua, wrote: "The Council sent twice or thrice to summon the Bishop of London to give him orders to remove the service of the Mass and of the Divine Office in that Church, but he answered them intrepidly 'I possess three things soul, body, and property. Of the two latter, you can dispose at your pleasure, but as to the soul, God alone can command me.' He remained constant about body and property, and again to-day he has been called to the Council, but I do not yet know what they said to him." (Phillips, op. cit. infra, 103.) As a matter of fact, they had ordered him to resign the bishopric, which he refused to do, adding that he preferred death. He was then deprived of the office and went for a time to Westminster Abbey. On 20th April, 1560, he was sent as a prisoner to the Marshalsea. During the next two years representatives of the reforming party frequently clamored for the execution of Bonner and the other imprisoned bishops. When the Parliament of 1563 met, a new Act was passed by which the first refusal of the oath of royal supremacy was praemunire, the second, high treason. The bishops had refused the oath once, so that by this Act, which became law on 10th April, their next refusal of the oath might be followed by their death. On 24th April, the Spanish Ambassador writes that Bonner and some others had been already called upon to take the oath. Partly owing to the intervention of the emperor and partly to an outbreak of the plague, no further steps seem to have been taken at the time. A year later, on 29th April, 1564 the oath was again tendered to Bonner by Horne, the Anglican Bishop of Winchester. This he firmly refused but the interference of the Spanish ambassador and his own readiness of resource saved immediate consequences. Being well skilled both in civil and canon law, he raised the point that Home, who offered him the oath, was not qualified to do so, as he had not been validly consecrated bishop. This challenged the new hierarchy as to the validity of their orders, and so strong was Bonner's case that the Government evaded meeting it, and the proceedings commenced against him were adjourned time after time. Four times a year for three years he was forced to in the courts at Westminster only to be further remanded. The last of these appearances took place in the Michaelmas term of 1568, so that the last year of the bishop's life was spent in the peace of his prison. His demeanor during his long imprisonment was remarkable for unfailing cheerfulness, and even Jewel describes him in a letter as "a most courteous man and gentlemanly both in his manners and appearance." (Zurich Letters, I, 34). The end came on 5th September, 1569, when he died in the Marshalsea. The Anglican Bishop of London wrote to Cecil to say that he had been buried in St. George's churchyard, Southwark, but if this was so the coffin was soon secretly removed to Copford, near Colchester, where it was buried under the north side of the altar. Sander, Bridgewater, and other contemporary writers attributed to Bonner and the other bishops who died in prison the honor of martyrdom: in vinculis obierunt martyres. On the walls of the English College, Rome, an inscription recording the death of the eleven bishops, but without naming them, found a place among the paintings of the martyrs. In a work quoted below the Catholic tradition with regard to these bishops has been ably set forth by Rev. George Phillips, avowedly for the purpose of promoting their beatification. Bishop Bonner differs from the others in this respect, that owing to the prominent part circumstances compelled him to play in the persecution, he was attacked during life with a hatred which has followed him even after death, so that in English history few names have been so execrated and vilified as his. Tardy justice is now being done to his memory by historians, Catholic and Protestant alike, yet there remains immense prejudice against his memory in the popular mind. Nor could this be otherwise in face of the calumnies that have been. repeated by tradition. The reckless charges of Bale and Foxe were repeated by Burnet Hume, and others, who join in representing him as an inhuman persecutor, "a man of profligate manners and of a brutal character, who seemed to rejoice in the torments of the unhappy sufferers" (Hume c. xxxvii). The first historian of note to challenge this verdict was the Catholic, Lingard, though even he wrote in a very tentative way and it was by an Anglican historian, S.R. Maitland, that anything like justice was first done to Bonner. This writer's analysis remains the most discriminating summary of the bishop's character. "Setting aside declamation and looking at the details of facts left by those who may be called, if people please, Bonner's victims, and their friends, we find, very consistently maintained, the character of a man, straightforward and hearty, familiar and humorous, sometimes rough, perhaps coarse, naturally hot tempered, but obviously (by the testimony of his enemies) placable and easily intreated, capable of bearing most patiently much intemperate and insolent language, much reviling and low abuse directed against himself personally, against his order, and against those peculiar doctrines and practices of his church for maintaining which he had himself suffered the loss of all things, and borne long imprisonment. At the same time not incapable of being provoked into saying harsh and passionate things, but much more frequently meaning nothing by the threatenings and slaughter which he breathed out, than to intimidate those on whose ignorance and simplicity argument seemed to be thrown a way-in short, we can scarcely read with attention any one of the cases detailed by those who were no friends of Bonner, without seeing in him a judge who (even if we grant that he was dispensing bad laws badly) was obviously desirous to save the prisoner's life." This verdict has been generally followed by later historians, and the last word has been added, for the present, in. the recently published volume on the Reformation, in the "Cambridge Modern History" planned by Lord Acton (1903) where the statement is expressly made: "It is now generally admitted that the part played by Bonner was not that attributed to him by Foxe, of a cruel bigot who exulted in sending his victims to the stake. The number of those put to death in his diocese of London was undoubtedly disproportionately large, but this would seem to have been more the result of the strength of the reforming element in the capital and in Essex than of the employment of exceptional rigor while the evidence also shows that he himself patiently dealt with many of the Protestants, and did his best to induce them to renounce what he conscientiously believed to be their errors."

Bonner's writings include "Responsum et Exhortatio in laudem Sacerdotii" (1553) "Articles to be enquired of in the General Visitation of Edmund Bishop of London" (1554) "Homelies sette forth by Eddmune Byshop of London, . . . to be read within his diocese of London of all Parsons, vycars and curates, unto their parishioners upon Sondayes and holy days" (1555). There was also published under his name a catechism, probably written by his chaplains, Harpsfield and Pendleton, entitled "A profitable and necessary doctrine" (1554, 2d ed. 1555). He also wrote the preface to Bishop Gardiner's "Book of Obedience" (1534).

State Papers of Henry VIII DODD, Church History (London, 1737), Part III, Bk, II, art,3 MAITLAND, Essays on the Reformation in England (London, 1849), Essays III, XVII, XVIII, XX GILLOW, Bib. Diktēt. Eng. Kat. (London, 1885), I, 260-265 GAIRDNER in Dict. Nat. Biog. (London, 1886), V, 356-360 BRIDGETT AND KNOX, Queen Eliz. and the Cath. Hierarchy (London, 1889) STONE, History of Mary I (London, 1901) PHILLIPS, Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy London, 1905).


Possible slave cemetery on UWG campus stirs debate over buried history

Lord knows how many times in the 113-year-old history of the University of West Georgia that students have picnicked, played Frisbee or casually walked across a small, grassy plot of land in the middle of the campus.

The school, 50 miles west of Atlanta, was once the home of Thomas Bonner, one of the 19th century’s largest Carroll County slaveholders. In 1906, the former Bonner Plantation was turned over to the state where it eventually became the core of what today is the university.

Few visible remnants of the plantation remain, most notably the Bonner House, which serves as the university’s welcome center. But recent archaeological tests suggest the long-forgotten remains of Bonner’s slaves might be buried here.

If true, UWG will be added to a long list of colleges and communities who find themselves challenged with questions on how to deal with newly discovered remains of former slaves and Reconstruction-era African Americans.

There had always been whispers that there may have been a slave cemetery on campus near Melson Hall, the oldest building on campus. As far back as the 1940s, Abe Bonner, a former slave who died in 1947 at the age of 107, pointed to a spot near Melson Hall and said slaves were buried there.

“When you have been here a while you hear stories,” said Ann McCleary, who has taught history at the school for 22 years. “But you don’t know unless you look. The idea of doing an archaeological study and trying to figure it out was a good one.”

Last fall, at a community meeting, the possibility of the cemetery came up again so the school commissioned a study. In December, tests revealed something in the ground on a plot of land the size of an average backyard next to Melson Hall.

“It is actually really exciting for a lot of different reasons, particularly the possibility of knowing a little bit more about what is there and doing more with the information,” said Yves-Rose Porcena, the university’s chief diversity officer. “When we found out, the leadership was very clear that we wanted to do this the right way. No matter the process.”

UWG is still in the early stages of figuring out what they have in the ground and what to do with it.

Ya’Ron Brown, who graduated from the university in 2007 with a master’s degree, said he hopes UWG, Carrollton and the county make a concerted effort to honor any slaves buried on campus and look at restitution for any families who worked the land.

“It is not surprising that slaves would be buried unmarked because they were seen as property, not people,” said Brown, who now lives in the Atlanta area.

In April, students at Georgetown University voted to increase their tuition by $27.20 per semester to set up a fund to pay reparations to the descendants of 272 slaves sold by the Washington, D.C. school in 1832 to pay off college debts.

Students and graduates of the University of Georgia also are exploring ways to address a 2015 discovery of 100 remains in an area on campus known to be a former slave burial site.

Barometers of black communities

It may never be known how many hidden or paved-over slave burial sites and black cemeteries are scattered across the South. But they keep getting discovered.

“After Reconstruction, there were thousands of black communities that sprung up and they all had cemeteries,” said Nadia K Orton, a genealogist and public historian who has studied and written extensively about the subject. “There is always a black cemetery somewhere. But they were never protected. So, this will continue to happen.”

Orton, who began writing about cemeteries as an extension of a family genealogical project, sees them as a barometer of the local black community. She said through decades of neglect, African American burial grounds have become endangered sites as thousands of them have been destroyed by development, while many others are overgrown, abandoned and forgotten.

In 2015, for example, in tony Buckhead, the forgotten and overgrown Piney Grove Cemetery was on the verge of being paved over to build a new set of townhomes. Plotted in 1826, when Buckhead was wilderness, most of the 300 people buried there were former slaves or later members of the Piney Grove Missionary Baptist Church.

The church was condemned in 1948, and members met under the trees or in friends’ homes until a new church was built in 1950. That church partially collapsed in a storm in the 1990s and the Buckhead Coalition helped pay for its demolition. The townhomes were eventually built, but the burial sites were preserved.

“With these cemeteries, the people have been removed, displaced and died off,” Orton said. “Where did the communities go?”

Who was Thomas Bonner?

Thomas Bonner was the scion of a prominent family that owned hundreds of acres across Carroll County with plenty of slaves to tend to the land.

In 1860 Bonner was the county’s fourth-largest slave owner with 24 on 350 acres, according to documents provided to The Atlanta Journal-Constitution by the Georgia Historical Society. His brother Zadock was third with 32. Three other Bonner men had a total of 39 slaves.

After the Civil War, McCleary, who is also UWG’s co-director of the Center for Public History, said Bonner moved to Alabama and his former slaves were disbursed across the county.

The university also is researching if the plot was used after the war as a burial site for free blacks.

“It is not a huge site right now and we don’t know how large it is,” McCleary said. “I don’t expect it to be huge. With the number of slaves Bonner had, I don’t think that is going to translate into a lot of burials.”

By the early 20th century, Bonner’s land had been sold to the state as the site of the Fourth District Agricultural and Mechanical School.

In 1955 and 1956, every senior at Carrollton’s all-black George Washington Carver High School applied to what was then West Georgia College. All were rejected because of the color of their skin.

The first black students didn’t arrive on campus until the fall of 1965, but by 1994, the school became the first predominately white college in Georgia to hire a person of color as its president. In 2002, as a form of reparations, the university apologized to the Carver students and set up a scholarship fund for their descendants.

“The school has a great history of leading and closing the achievement gap on issues of diversity,” said Porcena, who also runs the campus-wide Center for Diversity and Inclusion.

Of the 13,733 students on campus today, 35% are black. That’s lower than schools like Georgia State and Clayton State, but higher than the statewide average of 26%.

“The black community and the black students are very tight,” said Jaylin Evans, a 22-year-old senior from Detroit, who is the president of the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity chapter on campus. “But the campus is very segregated. It is like we don’t pay attention to white students and they don’t pay attention to us. We both exist in our own worlds and that is cool.”

Of honor and respect

Under advice from the Georgia Office of the State Archaeologist, the school hired Southern Research, Historical Preservation Consultants Inc. to do the archaeological survey. After several rounds of ground and soil strata testing, including the use of ground-penetrating radar, they found anomalies in the soil suggesting possible graves.

Archaeologists carefully removed the top 12-18 inches of soil from the plot until the tops of possible grave shafts were recognized through the variance in soil type. The university says no remains have been disturbed.

After the discovery, the university began contacting descendants of people enslaved by Bonner who could possibly be buried there, including relatives of Abe Bonner. While there are several white Bonners still in the Carrollton area, the school says it has not identified any direct descendants of Thomas Bonner.

“The school will want to honor and respect those who are buried there,” Porcena said. “This is a topic that could have been very divisive. But we have captured something. We are on the right path.”

Porcena said it is still too early to figure out what that will look like, but Orton, the genealogist, is hopeful that UWG will do the right thing in recognizing and honoring those buried at the site.

“Even though it wasn’t seen as sacred, because someone knew they were there when they built over it, they have an opportunity to redress that wrong by making it a memorial park or putting up a monument,” Orton said. “And by finding out who they are. Honor them by who they were.”


Keeping Watch

Morgan Clark, first mate of the Anderson, kept watching the Fitzgerald on the radar set to calculate her distance from some other vessels near Whitefish Point. He kept losing sight of the Fitzgerald on the radar from sea return, meaning that seas were so high they interfered with the radar reflection. First mate Clark spoke to the Fitzgerald one last time, about 7:10 pm:

“Fitzgerald, this is the Anderson. Have you checked down?”

“Yes, we have.”

“Fitzgerald, we are about 10 miles behind you, and gaining about 1 1/2 miles per hour. Fitzgerald, there is a target 19 miles ahead of us. So the target would be 9 miles on ahead of you.”

“Well,” answered Captain McSorley, “Am I going to clear?”

“Yes, he is going to pass to the west of you.”

“Well, fine.”

“By the way, Fitzgerald, how are you making out with your problems?” asked Clark.

“We are holding our own.”

“Okay, fine, I’ll be talking to you later.” Clark signed off.

The radar signal, or “pip” of the Fitzgerald kept getting obscured by sea return. And around 7:15 pm, the pip was lost again, but this time, did not reappear. Clark called the Fitzgerald again at about 7:22 pm. Atbildes nebija.

Captain Cooper contacted the other ships in the area by radio asking if anyone had seen or heard from the Fitzgerald. The weather had cleared dramatically. His written report states:

“At this time I became very concerned about the Fitzgerald – couldn’t see his lights when we should have. I then called the William Clay Ford to ask him if my phone was putting out a good signal and also if perhaps the Fitzgerald had rounded the point and was in shelter, after a negative report I called the Soo Coast Guard because I was sure something had happened to the Fitzgerald. The Coast Guard were at this time trying to locate a 16-foot boat that was overdue.”

With mounting apprehension, Captain Cooper called the Coast Guard once again, about 8:00 pm, and firmly expressed his concern for the welfare of the Fitzgerald. The Coast Guard then initiated its search for the missing ship. By that time the Anderson had reached the safety of Whitefish Bay to the relief of all aboard. But the Coast Guard called Captain Cooper back at 9:00 pm:

“Anderson, this is Group Soo. What is your present position?”

“We’re down here, about two miles off Parisienne Island right now…the wind is northwest forty to forty-five miles here in the bay.”

“Is it calming down at all, do you think?”

“In the bay it is, but I heard a couple of the salties talking up there, and they wish they hadn’t gone out.”

“Do you think there is any possibility and you could…ah…come about and go back there and do any searching?”

“Ah…God, I don’t know…ah…that…that sea out there is tremendously large. Ah…if you want me to, I can, but I’m not going to be making any time I’ll be lucky to make two or three miles an hour going back out that way.”

“Well, you’ll have to make a decision as to whether you will be hazarding your vessel or not, but you’re probably one of the only vessels right now that can get to the scene. We’re going to try to contact those saltwater vessels and see if they can’t possibly come about and possibly come back also…things look pretty bad right now it looks like she may have split apart at the seams like the Morrell did a few years back.”

“Well, that’s what I been thinking. But we were talking to him about seven and he said that everything was going fine. He said that he was going along like an old shoe no problems at all.”

“Well, again, do you think you could come about and go back and have a look in the area?”

“Well, I’ll go back and take a look, but God, I’m afraid I’m going to take a hell of a beating out there… I’ll turn around and give ‘er a whirl, but God, I don’t know. I’ll give it a try.”

“That would be good.”

“Do you realize what the conditions are out there?”

No reply from the Coast Guard. Captain Cooper tries again.

“Affirmative. From what your reports are I can appreciate the conditions. Again, though, I have to leave that decision up to you as to whether it would be hazarding your vessel or not. If you think you can safely go back up to the area, I would request that you do so. But I have to leave the decision up to you.”

“I’ll give it a try, but that’s all I can do.”

The Anderson turned out to be the primary vessel in the search, taking the lead. With the ship pounding and rolling badly, the crew of the Anderson discovered the Fitzgerald’s two lifeboats and other debris but no sign of survivors. Only one other vessel, the William Clay Ford, was able to leave the safety of Whitefish Bay to join in the search at the time. The Coast Guard launched a fixed-wing HU-16 aircraft at 10 pm and dispatched two cutters, the Naugatuck and the Woodrush. The Naugatuck arrived at 12:45 pm on November 11, and the Woodrush arrived on November 14, having journeyed all the way from Duluth, Minnesota.

The Coast Guard conducted an extensive and thorough search. On November 14, a U.S. Navy plane equipped with a magnetic anomaly detector located a strong contact 17 miles north-northwest of Whitefish Point. During the following three days, the Coast Guard cutter Woodrush, using a sidescan sonar, located two large pieces of wreckage in the same area. Another sonar survey was conducted November 22-25.


Supremacy and Survival: The English Reformation

Edmund Bonner, the former bishop of London (deposed by the authority of Elizabeth I), died in Marshalsea Prison on September 5, 1569. There is some argument that he should be considered a "martyr in chains" because he refused the Elizabethan Oaths of Supremacy and Uniformity over and over again. Eamon Duffy in his Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor endeavors to bring some balance to our understanding of Bonner's actions during the reign of Mary I to clear away some of the bias left by Bale and Foxe, but his actions during Henry VIII's reign bear some scrutiny too, as the Catholic Encyclopedia explains his promotion to Bishop of London after good service to the king:

Elected in November, 1539, he returned, and was consecrated 4th April, 1540. Almost his first duty was to try heretics under Henry's Act of the Six Articles, and though his action seems to have been only official, accusations of excessive cruelty and bias against the accused were spread broadcast by his enemies, and from the first he seems to have been unpopular in London. During the years 1542-43 he was again abroad in Spain and Germany as ambassador to the emperor, at the end of which time he returned to London. The death of the king on 28th January 1547, proved the turning point in his career Hitherto he had shown himself entirely subservient to the sovereign, supporting him in the matter of the divorce, approving of the suppression of the religious houses, taking the oath of Supremacy which Fisher and More refused at the cost of life itself, and accepting schismatical consecration and institution. But while acting in this way, he had always resisted the innovations of the Reformers, and held to the doctrines of the old religion. Therefore from the first he put himself in opposition to the religious changes introduced by Protector Somerset and Archbishop Cranmer.


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